Inexpensive teachers
Efficient teaching practices
Diminishing waste and redundancy
Peer assisted learning
Introduction
Peer learning, sometimes called peer-assisted learning, refers to activities in which students facilitate the learning and development of other students. Tertiary institutions apply many variants of peer learning (see Topping, 2005). First, they may offer peer tutoring, in which a student at one level, such as fourth year, deliver tutorials to students usually in a lower level, such as first year. Second, institutions may encourage cooperative learning, in which students from the same class are granted opportunities to assist one another. Third, institutions might organize peer assessments, in which students grade the work of other students—either in other years or in the same class. Fourth, institutions might organize drop-in sessions, in which students can visit peers at a particular location to receive assistance (Copeman & Keightley, 2014).
Peer learning has been applied to many demographics including students who experience special needs (Topping, 2005) or students who are at risk of failing. For instance, Higgins (2004) revealed that peer tutoring can enhance the retention of medical students whose marks and progress indicated they may otherwise had failed. Peer learning has also been applied to many disciplines, including medicine (Sobral, 2002), physics (Booth & James, 2001), mathematics (Xu et al., 2001), psychology (Berghmans et al., 2012), and education (Rittschof &Griffin, 2001).
Benefits of peer tutoring
Many students have corroborated the benefits of peer tutoring. Indeed, according to some research, classes that peers convene—such as doctorial students—are as effective or more effective than classes that paid educators convene (Haist et al. 1997; Weidner & Popp 2007).
One of the benefits of peer tutors, relative to paid staff, revolves around empathy. Peer tutors may appreciate the learning problems, challenges, and needs of students more than do staff (for a review, see Loke & Chow, 2007). When peer tutors facilitate classes, students perceive the learning environment as safer (Glynn et al., 2006). These students are more willing to express their insights or concerns, clarifying their knowledge and resolving misconceptions.
Furthermore, tutorials with peers tend to foster a collaborative atmosphere. Students become more inclined to perceive one another as learning partners, facilitating the exchange of information, resources, and feedback across the class (Glynn et al., 2006).
Peer tutoring does not only enhance the grades of students but can also improve the emotions and attitudes of these students. To illustrate, Weidner and Popp (2007) explored whether peer tutoring can enhance athletic students develop their psychomotor skills. The participants were 51 undergraduate students, studying athletics as part of their course. Either an approved clinical instructor or a peer tutor facilitated review sessions. To measure learning, researchers measured number of skills that students acquired and the time they needed to develop these skills during the course. Skill development and duration to develop skills did not differ significantly between students assigned an approved clinical instructor and students assigned a peer tutor. However, students actually tended to prefer the peer tutor. That is, when the tutor was a peer, anxiety levels tended to diminish and confidence increased.
As some research indicates, the benefits of peer tutors, if trained effectively, are observed in diverse circumstances. For example, Xu et al., examined whether the benefits of peer tutoring depend on the gender or ability of students. The degree to which peer tutoring improved performance on a mathematics examination did not depend on gender, school grade point average, or mathematics ability before the course.
In some circumstances, peers have been invited to offer assistance to students in the same class. To assess the experience of these peers, participants of one study, conducted by Solomon and Crowe (2001), were instructed to maintain a journal that depicts their feelings and thoughts about this role. Many peers felt that students were not sure how to facilitate discussion and conversation about the material. In addition, peers could not always separate their role as a tutor from their role as a student. Yet, other peers developed strategies to circumvent these concerns. These findings indicate that peers may be able to tutor students in their class, but only if they receive sufficient training in facilitation and role boundaries first.
Concerns about peer tutoring
As Glynn et al. (2006) highlighted, some individuals, including students, raise concerns about peer tutors in particular settings. Many students feel that peers are suited to small groups rather than larger classes, partly because of their limited knowledge and partly because of their limited development of teaching skills.
Similarly, Morris and Turnbull (2004) revealed that nursing students are not always as receptive to peer tutors. Instead, these nursing students were more likely to trust nurse educators rather than peers.
Benefits of drop-in sessions
Drop-in sessions can also be beneficial. Copeman and Keightley (2014) examined a drop-in program, called the Academic Skills Rovers program, implemented at the University of Canberra. Initially, the students were enrolled in teacher education but the mentors later also included students who exhibited excellent literary skills. The program was evaluated favourably. That is, the majority of students expressed their appreciation towards this program. In addition, the cost of casual wages, materials, and management of the service was comparable to a Level B staff member—and thus can be regarded as relatively inexpensive
Nevertheless, the authors did raise some caveats. Staff members did not always recommend this program. That is, some members of staff do not value the role of peers and merely perceive these peers as individuals who proofread assignments rather than facilitate learning and development. Arguably, if staff contribute to this program and, for example, sometimes act as advisors of these peers, this concern might dissipate.
Benefits to the peer tutors themselves
Since the 1980s, tertiary institutions became increasingly aware that peer learning not only benefits the students who receive assistance but also the students who offer assistance—the peer tutors or mentors (Topping, 2005). That is, many studies revealed that teaching can facilitate learning.
Research has confirmed the benefits of peer tutoring to the peer tutors themselves. Sobral (2002) revealed that peer tutors were, compared to other students, more likely to have received higher grades after they assumed this role and were more certain of the career they want to pursue.
Peer tutoring also generates many social benefits to peers. For example, peer tutors tend to develop greater communication skills, confidence, and social networks (for a review, see Loke & Chow, 2007)
Although peer tutors tend to appreciate this role, they can experience some challenges. For example, as Loke and Chow (2007), peer tutors in a nursing course were sometimes frustrated with the time commitment of this role, as revealed by interviews. Perhaps these tutors may have underestimated the time they need to prepare a tutorial. In addition, some of these tutors experienced an incongruity between the strategies they utilize to impart knowledge and the strategies that students occasionally apply to learn knowledge.
Practices that affect the benefits of peer learning: Directive versus facilitative approaches.
Some researchers, such as Berghmans et al. (2014), differentiate two variants of peer tutoring: directive tutoring and facilitative tutoring. When peer tutors adopt the directive approach, they explicitly instruct students which activities to complete. The primary goal of these tutors is to impart knowledge to the students didactically. To achieve this goal, these tutors articulate facts, answer questions, outline concepts, and perhaps demonstrate or show a principle. In response, the students tend to listen passively.
In contrast, when peer tutors adopt a facilitative approach, they inspire students to explore issues and to pose questions. The primary goal of these tutors is to help students construct their own knowledge, insights, or perspectives. Specifically, the tutor largely espouses a Socratic approach, asking questions, offering hints, prompting thoughts, and probing the responses of students. King (1997) delineates specific guidelines that peers can follow to apply this approach effectively.
Both approaches can be beneficial in particular circumstances. Specifically, as Berghmans et al. (2014) revealed, medical students tend to prefer directive tutoring, perhaps because students are more accustomed to this more explicit approach. Many students attempt to learn the information they receive rather than strive to construct this knowledge themselves. Generally, students prefer tutoring strategies that facilitate the entrenched and habitual learning practices.
Yet, when tutors were facilitative, medical students actually felt they had developed a more comprehensive understanding of clinical skills. That is, the facilitative approach inspired more contemplation, exploration, and insight. These students did not only learn the procedures but understood the rationale that underpins these practices—vital to clinical practice.
Whereas most student expressed similar attitudes to directive approaches, attitudes to facilitative approaches were diverse. The facilitative approach did elicit a sense of uncertainty rather than clarity. A portion of students might not have developed the self-efficacy and confidence they need to embrace this approach.
Practices that affect the benefits of drop-in sessions
Garcia-Melgar et al. (2021) explored the styles that peer mentors can utilise to facilitate the benefits of drop-in programs—ultimately to facilitate the development of independent and transferable academic skills in students. The study explored two styles. The first style, social congruence, refers to the degree to which the mentor was approachable, could appreciate the difficulties that students were experiencing, could explain topics clearly, and did not judge students. The second style, called cognitive congruence, refers to the extent to which the mentor knew the content well and could impart strategies on how to excel on the assignment, write effectively, and succeed at university. Garcia-Melgar showed that both of these styles were valued by students.
In this study, peer mentors were also invited to depict their experience. According to mentors, the questions they received tended to revolve around how to organise the essay, write effectively, reference appropriately, understand the assessment task, optimise grammar, evaluate sources, locate resources, and understand the content. Therefore, training of mentors should revolve around these topics. Yet, the study also revealed that students often expect mentors to act as tutors—or assignment editors—rather than as partners in learning. These expectations, therefore, must be managed.
Practices that affect the benefits of peer tutoring to the peers themselves
As Roscoe and Chi (2007) underscored, the benefits of peer tutoring to the tutors themselves can vary from negligible to extensive, depending on the circumstances. Therefore, Roscoe and Chi (2007) conducted a review to explore some of the sources of this variation. The review showed that peers attempt to explain concepts to other students as well as to question these students. These activities enable peers to gauge their own understanding of the topic, integration additional insights with knowledge they have already acquired, as well as elaborate or clarify this knowledge.
Nevertheless, according to Roscoe and Chi (2007), most peers are primarily motivated to impart the knowledge they have read or learnt rather than to construct and refine this knowledge themselves. This tendency might limit the potential benefits of peer tutoring to the peers. Peer training could circumvent this limitation and increase the benefits of peer tutoring.
Training of peer tutors
Typically, before peers engage in tutoring, they receive some training. The training, however, is seldom especially prolonged. For example, in the study that Loke and Chow (2007) conducted, peers attended a workshop that lasted about two hours. During this session, they received information about the roles and responsibilities of tutors and some basic principles on how to teach effectively. Materials, such as a handbook on how to teach effectively, the syllabus, learning objectives, and course content, were also provided.
A comprehensive peer learning model
Both the literature on peer learning and the practice of peer learning is sometimes fragmented. The variants of peer learning are often examined and discussed separately rather than integrated into a coherent framework. Consequently, some of the practices and complications that are relevant only to specific variants or relevant to all variants may be overlooked or conflated. To overcome this limitation, Gamlath (2022) proposed a comprehensive framework that unifies the various features of peer learning.
The framework is predicated on the assumption that peer learning may commence before enrolment and continue after graduation. For example, before enrolment
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enrolled students might assist during open days and preparatory programs
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institutions might help students develop a network during open days and preparatory programs
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students might participate in outreach programs, presenting information sessions at high schools or vocational institutions.
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enrolled students might help applicants complete the relevant forms
Then, during first year
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enrolled students might facilitate orientation events
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enrolled students might informally mentor their peers or participate in formal peer programs, such as PASS
During subsequent years
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enrolled students might help develop the mentoring skills of first year peers
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enrolled students might offer mentoring around placements or internships, perhaps as part of their course or informally
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enrolled students might also participate in programs that are designed to facilitate the career skills and career prospects of peers
Close to graduation or soon after graduation, enrolled students might help peers apply to secure jobs as well as consider further study. Finally, alumni could mentor students to facilitate the development of job, career, social, and leadership skills. Alumni could also introduce students to professional networks.
The framework also stipulates the macro, meso, and micro-level conditions that affect the benefits of peer mentoring at each phase of this journey. For example, the role of alumni depends on macro-level considerations, such as the labor market, meso-level considerations, such as the degree to which graduate employment affects rankings or funding, as well as micro-level considerations, such as the attitudes of alumni towards the institution and prior experience as a mentee.
References
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Arco-Tirado, J. L., Fernández-Martín, F. D., & Hervás-Torres, M. (2020). Evidence-based peer-tutoring program to improve students’ performance at the university. Studies in Higher Education, 45(11), 2190–2202.
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Ashwin, P. (2003). Peer support: Relations between the context, process and outcomes for the students who are supported. Instructional Science, 31, 159–173.
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Berghmans, I., Michiels, L., Salmon, S., Dochy, F., & Struyven, K. (2014). Directive versus facilitative peer tutoring? A view on students’ appraisal, reported learning gains and experiences within two differently-tutored learning environments. Learning Environments Research, 17(3), 437-459.
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Berghmans, I., Neckebroeck, F., Dochy, F., & Struyven, K. (2012). A typology of approaches to peer
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Booth, K. M., & James, B. W. (2001). Interactive learning in a higher education level 1 mechanics module. International Journal of Science Education, 23, 955-967.
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De Smet, M., Van Keer, H., De Wever, B., & Valcke, M. (2010). Studying thought processes of online peer tutors through stimulated-recall interviews. Higher Education, 59, 645–661.
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Gamlath, S. (2022). Peer learning and the undergraduate journey: a framework for student success. Higher Education Research & Development, 41(3), 699-713.
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Garcia-Melgar, A., East, J., & Meyers, N. (2021). Peer assisted academic support: a comparison of mentors’ and mentees’ experiences of a drop-in programme. Journal of Further and Higher Education, 45(9), 1163-1176.
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Higgins, B. (2004). Relationship between retention and peer tutoring for at-risk students. Journal of Nursing Education, 43(7), 319-321.
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King, A. (1997). ASK to THINK-TEL WHY: A model of transactive peer tutoring for scaffolding higher
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level complex learning. Educational Psychologist, 32, 221–235.
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Loke, A., & Chow, F. (2007). Learning partnership. The experience of peer tutoring among nursing students: A qualitative study. International Journal of Nursing Studies, 44, 237–244.
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Morris, D., & Turnbull, P. (2004). Using student nurses as teachers in inquiry-based learning. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 45, 136-144.
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Munley, V. G., Garvey, E., & McConnell, M. J. (2010). The effectiveness of peer tutoring on student achievement at the university level. American Economic Review, 100(2), 277-82.
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Parr, J., & Townsend, M. (2002). Environments, processes, and mechanisms in peer learning. International Journal of Educational Research, 37, 403–423.
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Rittschof, K. A., &, Griffin, B. W. (2001). Reciprocal peer tutoring: re-examining the value of a co-operative learning technique to college students and instructors. Educational Psychology, 21, 313-331.
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Roscoe, R., & Chi, M. (2007). Understanding tutor learning: Knowledge-building and knowledge-telling in peer tutors’ explanations and questions. Review of Educational Research, 77, 534–574.
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Sobral, D. T. (2002). Cross‐year peer tutoring experience in a medical school: conditions and outcomes for student tutors. Medical education, 36(11), 1064-1070.
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Topping, K. (2005). Trends in peer learning. Educational Psychology, 25, 631–645.
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Topping, K., & Ehly, S. (2001). Peer assisted learning: A framework for consultation. Journal of Educational and Psychological Consultation, 12(2), 113–132.
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Xu, Y., Hartman, S., Uribe, G., & Mencke, R. (2001). The effects of peer tutoring on undergraduate students' final examination scores in mathematics. Journal of College Reading and Learning, 32(1), 22-31.
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Weidner, T., & Popp, J. (2007). Peer assisted learning and orthopaedic evaluation pyschomotor skills. Journal of Athletic Training, 42(1), 113–119.
Unconscious goals in tertiary education
Introduction
Teachers and instructors strive to inspire their students to study vigorously, thoroughly, collaboratively, creatively, and responsibly. To achieve this goal, many educators express this advice explicitly. They might tell students to devote more effort to their studies, for example. But these explicit instructions are often ineffective. After students are told to pursue a specific goal, such as to study vigorously, they seldom feel more inspired to achieve this objective.
Instead, educators can pursue another approach to shape the goals of their students. They can attempt to shift these goals implicitly. That is, words or images that are inserted in other tasks or embedded in the surroundings can shape these goals. To illustrate
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when a photograph on a wall displays a punk, students tend to think more creatively
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when a photograph of a triumphant runner is displayed on a wall, students tend to devote more effort to their tasks
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when students complete a task, and words that are synonymous with courtesy are embedded in this task, these individuals tend to behave more cooperatively.
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when students can smell the scent of chocolate, they become more indulgent, compromising their motivation to study
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when students are exposed to images or memories of a role model, they become more likely to act like this role model.
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when students read a story about a person striving to achieve a particular goal—such as to develop a skill—these individuals also feel more inspired to achieve this goal
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students are especially motivated in classes they feel may enhance their social network
In short, educators can introduce subtle changes to tasks or to the surrounds to shape the goals of students. Students are seldom even aware they are pursuing these goals. Consequently, these goals are sometimes deemed as unconscious.
Evidence of unconscious goals: Incidental words or images that affect performance
To illustrate these unconscious goals, Bargh, Gollwitzer, Lee-Chai, Barndollar, and Trotschel (2001), showed how the goal to perform vigorously can be activated unconsciously. Specifically, in one study, the researchers present a matrix, comprising 10 rows and 10 columns of letters. Embedded in this matrix were 13 words. Participants needed to uncover these words.
In some of the matrixes, these words were synonymous with performance, such as succeed or achieve. In other matrices, these words were not synonymous with performance, such as turtle and lamp. If the words were synonymous with performance, these participants actually performed more effectively on a subsequent activity.
Similarly, Shantz and Latham (2009) reported one of the most compelling illustrations of unconscious goals on performance. In contrast to previous studies, these researchers showed that unconscious goals can affect behavior in the workplace and not merely in the laboratory. In addition, they showed these unconscious goals can affect behaviors over the course of 3 hours and not only a few minutes.
In particular, Shantz and Latham (2009) examined whether a photograph of a woman prevailing in a foot race could elicit the goal to achieve and thus improve performance. First, Shantz and Latham (2009) showed this photograph does indeed prime the goal to achieve. In particular, participants received a series of instructions on a page. For some, but not all, of the participants, the picture of the runner winning appeared as the backdrop. Next, participants were asked to write three stories, prompted by the words tree, car, and dog. If participants had been exposed to the runner, they were more likely to use words that relate to achievement, such as earn, hero, and win.
A subsequent study was then undertaken at a workplace. Participants received some written information about their task: to telephone people and to solicit donations for a client. For some of the participants, the picture of the runner winning appeared as the backdrop. In addition, some of the participants were assigned an explicit goal—to attract $1200 in donations, a level that was challenging, but plausible. Other participants were merely instructed to perform as well as they could.
Overall, compared to participants who were not exposed to the runner, participants who were exposed to the runner performed more effectively on this task: They attracted more donations. Furthermore, participants granted a specific goal—to attract $1200 in donations—performed more effectively than participants who merely told to perform as well as possible. The effect of this specific goal did not depend on whether participants were exposed to the runner. That is, the conscious goal did not affect the impact of the unconscious goal.
Evidence of unconscious goals: Action versus inaction
Subliminal words that are synonymous with action, such as go, fast, and run, are more likely to promote effort than words that are synonymous with inaction, such as sleep, slow, and passive—but only in specific circumstances. In particular, action primes mobilize effort only when tasks are feasible, rather than impossible, and likely to attract significant rewards (Silvestrini & Gendolla, 2013). This tendency is adaptive: that is, people have learnt to mobilize effort only when such effort could be beneficial.
For example, in one study, conducted by Silvestrini and Gendolla (2013), participants completed a task in which an array of digits was presented followed by another number, such as 179 8. Participants needed to decide whether this last number had appeared in the previous array. In the example, 179 8, the last number had not appeared in the previous array. The string comprised 3, 7, or 14 digits.
Embedded within each trial was a word, presented too rapidly to be recognized consciously, that was synonymous with action or inaction. Primes that were synonymous with action generated a stronger cardiac response—that is, a reduced pre-ejection period, equivalent to the interval between the beginning of ventricular excitation and the opening of the heart's left ventricular valve. This pattern, however, was not observed if the string comprised 14 digits and was impossible or if participants were not granted any incentive to succeed. Likewise, action primes enhanced performance but only when the number of digits in the array was 7 and, hence, the task was moderately difficult but feasible.
One subtly should be recognized. Silvestrini and Gendolla (2013) did not conceptualize these action primes as unconscious goals. Unlike unconscious goals, these primes were presented after participants had established their goals.
Evidence of unconscious goals: Incidental words or images that affect sleepiness
Some incidental words or images can diminish the extent to which individuals feel alert and may even promote sleepiness. That is, subliminal words that relate to sleepiness have been shown to improve the capacity of people to sleep. For example, in one study, conducted by Shimizu, Sperry, and Pelham (2013), participants completed a computer task during the day. On each trial, a series of uppercase letters was presented, such as ACMTOPS. The task of participants was to decide whether the first letter was a vowel or a consonant.
Immediately before each set of uppercase letters, a word appeared quickly—too quickly to be recognized consciously. For some participants, these words were related to sleep, such as nap, cozy, dreamy, serene, and restful. For other participants, these words were unrelated to sleep. Participants were then encouraged to nap in a reclining chair. If participants had been exposed to words that relate to sleep, they were more likely to report sleeping longer and their heart rate was lower. The benefit of these words was especially pronounced in people who acknowledge they do not usually sleep well.
Evidence of unconscious goals: Incidental words or images that affect creativity
Unconscious goals have also been shown to enhance creativity. Specifically, Fitzsimons, Chartrand, and Fitzsimons (2008) showed that brand names can prompt unconscious goals. In particular, over time, individuals tend to form specific associations between brand names and specific motives. They might, for example, associate the brand name Apple with creativity. For example, they may be more inclined to consider Apple products at the same time as they experience the motivation to be creative. In the future, this brand might be sufficient to evoke the motivation or confidence to uncover creative solutions.
Fitzsimons, Chartrand, and Fitzsimons (2008) verified this premise. Some participants were repeatedly, but subliminally, exposed to the brand "Apple". Other participants were exposed to the brand IBM instead—a brand that, although innovative, was not perceived to be as creative and original as Apple at the time of this study. Next, participants completed a test of creativity: They had to uncover as many creative uses of common objects, like a brick. Exposure to the brand "Apple" prompted more creative responses to this task.
Evidence of unconscious goals: cooperation and collaboration
In addition to performance, studies have shown the motivation to cooperate can also be activated unconsciously. After individuals complete tasks, in which words that are synonymous with cooperation rather than competition are embedded incidentally in another task, they act more supportively and altruistically (see Bargh, Gollwitzer, Lee-Chai, Barndollar, & Trotschel, 2001).
Furthermore, Bargh, Chen, and Burrows (1996) also showed that exposure to words that are synonymous with rudeness provoked discourteous behavior. In their study, participants completed the sentence unscrambling test. That is, participants needed to unscramble sets of five words to construct sentences of four words. If many of these sets of words included terms synonymous with rude, participants were subsequently less inclined to act politely. In contrast, if many of these sets included terms synonymous with polite, this rude behavior was less prevalent.
Similarly, after individuals observe rude behavior, participants are more likely to pursue the goal to be competitive and aggressive rather than cooperative and supportive. For example, as Porath and Erez (2009) showed, after individuals witness rude behavior, they become less cooperative. They are, for example, unwilling to partake in another study, in which they will not receive credit. Furthermore, in answer to questions like "Specify many uses of a brick", their responses tend to be aggressive, such as "To hit someone over the head".
Musical lyrics can also evoke cooperative or prosocial goals, as shown by Greitemeyer (2010). In a series of studies, reported by Greitemeyer (2010), participants were exposed to lyrics that either espouse a communal, cooperative message or to lyrics that are relatively neutral. For example, in one study, participants listened to songs like "Heal the world" from Michael Jackson, "We are the world" from Live Aid, "Help" from the Beatles, and so forth, to evoke a communal orientation. In the control conditions, participants listened to "On the line" from Michael Jackson, "Octopus' Garden" from the Beatles, and so forth. Other differences between the sets of songs, such as genre and mood, were controlled.
Next, participants completed a word completion task, in which they need to guess the word that complete a fragment. If participants had been exposed to a communal, cooperative message, they were less inclined to uncover words that correspond to aggression or violence. This finding implies that exposure to a supportive message tends to curb aggressive tendencies.
Evidence of unconscious goals: Ethics and morality
After people are exposed to primes that relate to either ethical or unethical behaviour, they tend to behave more ethically. That is, both ethical and unethical primes activate a moral self-concept, in which individuals like to perceive themselves as moral and ethical.
For example, in one study, conducted by Welsh and Ordonez (2014), participants completed the word completion task, in which they needed to unscramble sets of five words to construct sentences with four words. For some participants, embedded within these sentences were words that relate to ethics and morality, such as right, fair, and good. For other participants, embedded within these sentences were words or phrases that relate to unethical behavior, such as stolen cash. Finally, in the control condition, the sentence did not comprise ethical or unethical concepts.
Next, participants read a scenario about a practice that is morally ambiguous: Employees of one organization pretended to be customers of another organization to uncover private information. Participants considered whether, as a manager, they would endorse this practice and were then instructed to justify their decision. If participants were exposed to ethical or unethical primes, they were more likely to refer to morality and ethics when justifying their decision.
Subsequent studies clarified these findings. For example, if participants were exposed to ethical or unethical primes, they were less inclined to cheat on a test. The effect of this prime was most pronounced in circumstances in which unethical behavior is logically beneficial: when individuals are not monitored closely and when they experience the goal to excel.
These results are consistent with self-concept maintenance theory (Mazar, Amir, & Ariely, 2008). According to this theory, individuals tend to experience conflicting motives. On the one hand, they want to maximize the benefits they can reap from a setting. On the other hand, they want to perceive themselves as a moral person, especially when reminded of morality. If reminded of morality, people tend to recognize the ethical complications of their choices. They will, therefore, either inhibit unethical tendencies or attempt to rationalize or justify these behaviors.
The results are also consistent with the neurocognitive model of ethical decision making, proposed by Reynolds (2006). According to this model, individuals can utilize intuition, called the X system, or conscious deliberation, called the C system, to reach ethical decisions. To clarify, over time, individuals learn to associate specific events with punishments or rewards. These associations are stored in the X system. When people are exposed to events that provoke punishments, they intuitively feel these events are unethical. In contrast, when exposed to events that are novel and, therefore, associated with neither punishments nor rewards, people cannot utilize the X system to reach decisions. Instead, they must utilize the C system and consider ethical principles carefully. These insights can then shape the X system over time.
Evidence of unconscious goals: Conformity
When individuals are exposed to more conservative images, such as the photograph of a professional accountant, they are more likely to conform to the opinions of other people (Pendry & Carrick, 2001). That is, their primary motivation is to comply and to belong. When individuals are exposed to images that epitomize deviance, such as a punk with spiked hair and torn clothes, they become less inclined to conform. Their primary motivation is to feel independent.
To illustrate, in the study conducted by Pendry and Carrick (2001), participants listened to a series of 100 or so beeps, emitted in a room with several people. Their task was to estimate the number of beeps that were presented. Unbeknownst to participants, apart from themselves, everyone else in the room was a confederate, employed by the researcher. These confederates, however, acted as participants.
In one condition, all the confederates overestimated the number of beeps. If the participants had previously been exposed to photographs of an accountant, they tended to conform: They also overestimated the number of beeps. If the participants had previously been exposed to photographs of a punk, they were not as likely to conform or to overestimate the number of beeps.
Effects of the environment
Aarts and Dijkersterhuis (2003) provided one of the most compelling examples of how environments and settings can prime specific inclinations or behaviors. Specifically, they showed that environments tend to elicit behaviors that align with the norms of these settings.
For example, in one study, participants were exposed to a photograph of a library or railway station. Some, but not all, of the participants were told they will later need to visit this setting after the experiment is completed. Next, participants completed a lexical decision task, in which they needed to decide whether various strings of letters were words.
If the participants had observed a picture of a library, they could more rapidly recognize words that related to silence, like quiet, still, and whisper. Exposure to the library, therefore, evoked tendencies that are prevalent and desirable in this setting: silence. This pattern of observations, however, did not emerge unless participants imagined they would visit the environment later. Hence, the goal to engage in the environment was necessary to prime these inclinations. A subsequent study showed that individuals did, indeed, speak more quietly after exposed to this photograph of the library (Aarts & Dijkersterhuis, 2003).
Effects of the environment: The scent of chocolate
When a scent of chocolate faintly permeates a room or store, the behavior of people changes. To illustrate, in one study, conducted by Douce, Poels, Janssens, and De Backer (2013), on same days the scent of chocolate wafted through a store that sells books, newspapers, magazines, DVDs, and lottery tickets. The scent was faint—not strong enough to be noticed immediately. On other days, this scent did not pervade the store.
Independent researchers then rated the behavior of customers. First, these researchers recorded the extent to which customers engaged in general approach behavior, in which they skim the various contents rather than confine their attention to particular items; examples included skimming the synopses of many books, lingering, and chatting with personnel. Second, these researchers recorded the degree to which customers engaged in goal-directed behavior, in which they oriented their attention to one book, asked questions to personnel as soon as they entered the store, or approached the cash register. In addition, which books customers bought was also recorded.
When a scent of chocolate wafted faintly throughout the store, customers were more inclined to engage in general approach behavior and less inclined to engage in goal-directed behavior. Furthermore, customers were more inclined to purchase genres that people feel are congruent with chocolate, like Food & Drink books and Romance novels. They were not as inclined to purchase genres that people feel are incongruent with chocolate, such as History and Crime books.
Arguably, the scent of chocolate activates goals or tendencies that relate to enjoyment. Participants are more inclined to indulge in the store. But this enjoyment conflicts with the need to achieve difficult goals, and thus goal-directed behavior subsides. Furthermore, this scent primes goals and concepts that are related to chocolate, increasing the purchase of books that people associate with this scent.
Implications of unconscious goals: Avatars
When individuals play games or participate in virtual environments, they are often assigned an avatar. These avatars may affect the goals and behaviors of individuals even after they depart from this environment.
In one study, conducted by Yoon and Vargas (2013), individuals participated in a computer game. They were assigned an avatar: either Superman or Voldemort. The degree to which they identify with the avatar was also sought. Next, supposedly as a separate study, participants completed a task with other individuals in which they needed to taste various foods. They were granted the option to pour the food that other people would taste. In particular, they could choose chocolate or chili sauce. If participants were assigned the villainous avatar of Voldemort, instead of the heroic avatar of Superman, they were more likely to pour chili sauce. Presumably, the avatar primed either heroic or villainous goals.
Caveats: Goals versus semantic primes
Many studies, indeed, have shown that unconscious goals can affect behavior. In typical studies, cues that are supposedly connected to some goal--or desirable end state--seem to prompt behaviors that represent motivation (see Aarts, Gollwitzer, & Hassin, 2004; Bargh, Gollwitzer, Lee-Chai, Barndollar, & Troetschel, 2001; Chartrand & Bargh, 1996; Fitzsimons & Bargh, 2003; Moskowitz, Li, & Kirk, 2004; Shah, 2003; Shah & Kruglanski, 2002, 2003). That is, these behaviors manifest the characteristics of goals: the effect of these cues, for example, do not decay over time (cf., Higgins, Bargh, & Lombardi, 1985; for a comprehensive review of the properties that differentiate goals from other constructs, see Forster, Liberman, & Friedman, 2007).
Indeed, several studies, such as research conducted by Cesario, Plaks, and Higgins (2006), have been conducted to ascertain whether the effects of these primes are indeed underpinned by goals rather than semantic associations. Specifically, goals and semantic associations exhibit distinct characteristics.
To illustrate, suppose the effects of these primes can be ascribed to goals. Goals seem to persist until they are fulfilled. Hence, the effect of these primes on behavior should also be sustained, at least until the goal is satisfied (see Forster, Liberman, & Higgins, 2005; Marsh, Hicks, & Bink, 1998). Exposure to the word "cooperation" should increase the likelihood that individuals will act supportively over an extended period of time—that is, until these individuals could satisfy this goal with some other act.
In contrast, suppose the effects of these primes can be ascribed to semantic associations. Perhaps, exposure to the word "cooperation" merely activates images or words that are associated with this term, without necessarily impinging on the goals or motives of individuals. In this instance, the effects of these primes tend to diminish over time, regardless of whether the goal is satisfied.
Cesario, Plaks, and Higgins (2006) showed that effects of primes can, at least partly, be ascribed to goals and motives. In one of their studies, only a subset of participants was exposed to subliminal pictures of elderly people. These primes should activate goals that relate to interacting with older citizens. Next, some of the participants were granted an opportunity to fulfill this goal—by imagining an interaction with an elderly man. Finally, participants completed a lexical decision task, in which they needed to ascertain whether a series of items were words or not.
If participants were exposed to subliminal pictures of elderly people, they subsequently recognized words that relate to this age group—slow, old, and forgetful, for example—more rapidly than other words. If, however, individuals had been granted an opportunity to imagine an interaction with an elderly man, this pattern of findings did not persist.
According to Cesario, Plaks, and Higgins (2006), these results indicate that exposure to an elderly prime activates the goal to interact with older people. Consequently, they recognize any cues or concepts that relate to this goal more rapidly. This goal, when fulfilled however, is inhibited. Thus, after participants imagine an interaction with an elderly man, they do not recognize cues or concepts that relate to this goal more rapidly.
Other sources of unconscious goals: Reflections of other individuals
As Fitzsimons and Bargh (2003) showed, other stimuli, in addition to words or images, can activate unconscious goals. In their study, participants were instructed to reflect upon someone in their lives: a best friend, parent, and so forth. Subsequently, individuals were more likely to pursue goals they associate with this person. After they described their mother, for example, participants often acted more diligently and conscientiously. Similarly, individuals show more persistence on an intelligence test, for example, after the name of a friend or relative, who values intellectual ability, is presented subliminally (Shah, 2003). Presumably, exposure to a person partly activates the goals these individuals value.
Likewise, Leander, Shah, and Chartrand (2009) showed that participants reported a greater temptation to abstain from drugs after the name of someone they knew, who also abstain from drugs, was presented subliminally. This relationship was especially pronounced if the participants felt close to this person.
Other sources of unconscious goals Narratives
Exposure to narratives and stories is especially likely to prime specific goals. That is, narratives tend to revolve around the attempts of protagonists to achieve a particular goal. Therefore, to understand narratives, individuals must sustain their attention on the goals of these protagonists. Accordingly, when individuals are exposed to narratives, the goals of protagonists are likely to be primed. Indeed, the effort that protagonists invest in their goal tends to amplify the priming of these goals.
Laham and Kashima (2013) conducted a series of studies to assess the possibility that exposure to narratives can prime goals. Specifically, participants received 28 sets of 5 words. For each set, participants needed to rearrange the words to construct sentences. In 12 of these sets, the sentences included words that relate to the goal of achievement, such as race, win, compete, athlete, best, competition, achieve, glory, quickly, succeed, master, and victory. In one condition, the sentences that participants constructed actually generated a cohesive story or narrative. In the other condition, these sentences appeared in a pseudo random order and did not seem to generate a narrative. After completing this task, participants drew their family tree for 5 minutes--as a distraction. Finally, they completed a task in which they needed to uncover words in a matrix of letters.
Participants exposed to the narrative uncovered more words. Presumably, the narrative around achievement was especially likely to prime the goal of achievement and improve performance. This effect of this narrative can be ascribed to goal priming rather than semantic priming: semantic priming is usually ineffective after a delay (Forster, Liberman, & Friedman, 2007).
In the second study, participants were again exposed to narratives or pseudorandom sentences, many of which alluded to achievement. Next, all participants completed a word search task, providing participants with an opportunity to fulfil their goal to achieve. Finally, they completed a word completion task, intended to determine whether the goal to achieve was still active. For example, if the goal to achieve is activated, people are more likely to complete the fragment - I N with the word "win" than with other words.
If participants were exposed to the narrative condition, the goal to achieve was not as accessible after completing the word search task. Presumably, the narrative condition was especially likely to activate the goal to achieve. The fulfilment of goals tends to inhibit goals--a feature that is specific to goal primes rather than semantic primes (Forster, Liberman, & Friedman, 2007). The inhibition of these goals compromised subsequent performance.
Theories that explain unconscious goals: Association
Conceivably, unconscious goals may develop over time. That is, individuals often form the same goals in similar settings. They might, for example, often develop the goal to be polite whenever they interact with a manager. Over time, these settings, in this instance the manager, become associated with these goals, in this instance the motive to be polite. Hence, in the future, the setting will prime this goal unconsciously (Bargh & Barndollar, 1996). These primed unconscious representations then shape cognitions about goals as well as subsequent behavior (for similar reasoning, see Fishbach, Friedman, & Kruglanski, 2003).
Theories that explain unconscious goals: Goals of other people
As Walton, Cohen, Cwir, and Spencer (2012) showed, when individuals feel a sense of belonging, they tend to adopt the motivations and goals of the people to whom they feel connected. To illustrate, in one study, participants read about a mathematics course. Some participants were informed the mathematics course tends to facilitate relationships. They were told, for example, that classmates would study together, converse about interesting topics, speak to professors who would encourage teamwork, and then celebrate the year over dinner. Other participants were informed the mathematics course tends to promote the acquisition of skill instead. Next, they completed an insoluble mathematics task and answered questions about their motivation to complete mathematics, typified by items like “In the future, I could see myself open to a career in math”. If the course emphasized the capacity to develop relationships and connections, participants were more likely to persist on the mathematics problems and reported a greater motivation to study mathematics.
The second study was similar. However, participants were not informed the course facilitate relationships as unambiguously. Instead, they received a description of this course, supposedly written by another student. The birthdate of this student appeared subtly at the top of this report. For some participants, this birthdate matched their own birthdate, evoking a possible sense of connection with the writer. This sense of connection also enhanced persistence on a mathematics puzzle and increased the motivation to complete a mathematics course.
In the third study, participants were told to proceed to the red or blue door, after completing another measure. On the door was a label, such as “the puzzles group” or “a puzzle person”. If individuals were depicted as members of a “puzzle group” instead of a “puzzle person”, and therefore felt connected to this group, they were more inclined to persist on a subsequent puzzle. Even two weeks later, they were more inclined to choose to engage in a puzzle instead of another task.
In the final study, participants worked in pairs, although one of the individuals was actually a confederate. Some pairs were informed they shared a similar and distinct interest, such as enjoyment of the same band. Next, the confederate was asked to perform a physical task: somehow uncovering a dollar hidden in a tub. Then, the participant completed a lexical decision task, in which they needed to decide whether various strings of letters were legitimate words. If participants shared a similarity with the confederate, they recognized synonyms of “dollar” very quickly. Presumably, the goal to retrieve the dollar was primed in these participants.
Theories that explain unconscious goals: Motivated preparation account
To explain the effects of primes on unconscious goals, Cesario, Plaks, and Higgins (2006) proposed the motivated preparation account. According to their account, when individuals become aware of some social category, they feel motivated to engage in the behaviors they would enact if they needed to interact with members of this collective.
To illustrate, after they are exposed to symbols that represent the elderly—such as the word grey—they become more inclined to walk slowly. This decline in the speed represents the behavior they would demonstrate if they were, indeed, interacting with someone who was older.
This account departs from other frameworks. In particular, this account diverges from the proposition that perceptual cues, such as the word grey, directly evoke behaviors that correspond to relevant social categories (e.g., Bargh & Chartrand, 1999). This model is sometimes called the perceptual-behavior link. According to this model, perceptual cues activate representations of various social categories. These representations, in turn, evoke inclinations that align with social categories.
According to this perceptual-behavior link, cues that correspond to some social category, such as elderly citizens, should always evoke inclinations that align with this collective. Cesario, Plaks, and Higgins (2006) conducted a series of studies that challenge this hypothesis. In Study 1, for example, participants were exposed to subliminal allusions to homosexual or heterosexual individuals. These stimuli were embedded in another task, in which they needed to distinguish odd and even numbers. After 130 trials, the computer purportedly crashed. Participants were informed they would need to start from the beginning. Their hostility, as evaluated by the experimenter and a confederate, was then assessed.
If participants had been exposed to the homosexual primes, they exhibited more hostility. Obviously, they did not demonstrate inclinations that align with homosexuals—who are, stereotypically, regarded as effeminate rather than hostile. Instead, according to Cesario, Plaks, and Higgins (2006), they might have demonstrated the behavior that heterosexuals often exhibit towards homosexuals: hostility.
More direct evidence for the motivated preparation account was derived from Study 2. After exposure to pictures of elderly—rather than young—individuals, only a subset of participants was subsequently more likely to walk slowly. In particular, only individuals who exhibited positive implicit attitudes towards the elderly exhibited this pattern. Participants who exhibited negative implicit attitudes towards the elderly walked more rapidly after they were exposed to pictures of older people.
Presumably, if individuals adopt unfavorable attitudes towards the elderly, they might walk more rapidly, instead of slowly, to flee from any interactions with older people. This pattern of findings, therefore, is consistent with the proposition that cues activate the inclinations that individuals demonstrate when they interact with the corresponding social categories.
Furthermore, as Cesario, Plaks, Hagiwara, Navarrete, and Higgins (2010) showed, these unconscious goals also depend on affordances in the environment. That is, individuals are also primed to engage in the behaviors that are possible in their surroundings. For example, if individuals are exposed to a threatening person, their natural inclination is obviously to fight or flee. Whenever they sit in an enclosed space, curbing their capacity to flee, their inclination to fight prevails. If they sit in an open space, their inclination to flee often prevails.
To illustrate, in one study, conducted by Cesario, Plaks, Hagiwara, Navarrete, and Higgins (2010), White American participants completed a cognitive task. Specifically, participants were told the task was designed to assess whether they could read words while completing another activity. Strings of letters appeared in sequence, and participants needed to assess whether these items were words that related to fighting, words that related to fleeing, or non-words. These words were superimposed on pictures. The pictures were photographs of either a White or Black face.
Some of the participants completed the task within an enclosed booth—a booth in which fleeing is obviously impeded. The other participants completed the task outside, in an open field. When participants completed the task within an enclosed space, they recognized words that relate to fighting more rapidly if the picture was a photograph of a Black, instead of a White, man. That is, their inclination to fight was primed. When participants completed the task in an open field, they recognized words that relate to escaping more rapidly if the picture was a photograph of a Black man. That is, their inclination to flee was primed. These results were more pronounced in participants who associated Black men with danger.
Conditions that moderate the impact of unconscious goals: Conscious goals
Stajkovic, Locke, and Blair (2006) showed that unconscious goals are more effective when they align with conscious goals. In their study, participants needed to rearrange sentences—a task that can be used to prime specific motivations. Words that were synonymous with achievement were included to activate the unconscious goal to strive. These primes enhanced persistence on a subsequent task—a task to name as many uses of a common object as possible—especially when the experimenter asked individuals to exceed 12 rather than 4 answers. In other words, the unconscious goal to persist was more likely to impinge on behavior when participants consciously attempted to persevere as well.
Conditions that moderate the impact of unconscious goals: Duration of the primes
In many studies, to evoke unconscious goals, participants are exposed to subliminal words—words that appear too rapidly to be recognized consciously (e.g., Radel, Sarrazin, Legrain, & Gobance, 2009). In practice, however, subliminal words can seldom be presented. The presentation of subliminal primes, for example, is often considered to be unethical.
The question, then, becomes whether visible primes are as effective as subliminal primes. Preliminary evidence indicate that visible primes are also effective, provided that participants are not cognizant of the potential effects of these words (Dijksterhuis, Aarts, & Smith, 2005).
Conditions that moderate the impact of unconscious goals: Corrections to persuasive attempts
As reported by Laran, Dalton, and Andrade (2010), company slogans can induce behaviors that contradict the intent of messages. To illustrate, in the United States, people associate the retailer Walmart with savings. Indeed, the slogan of Walmart is "Save money. Live better". Exposure to the brand name indeed curbs spending. However, exposure to the slogan "Save money. Live better" actually increases spending. That is, these slogans are perceived as tactics that manipulate consumers. In response, consumers form the unconscious goal to correct or counteract the effects of these slogans.
Laran, Dalton, and Andrade (2010) conducted a series of five studies to validate this reasoning. Participants were exposed to a set of brands, slogans, or sentences that were associated with spending money, saving money, or neither of these inclinations. For example, brands associated with saving included Kmart and the Dollar Store; brands associated with spending included Tiffany, Neiman Marcus, Nordstrom, and Saks Fifth Avenue. Slogans associated with saving included "Saving keeps you going" or " It is a matter of price"; slogans associated with spending included " The place for excellence" or "Luxury, you deserve it." Participants were misled to believe their task was merely to memorize these items. Later, participants imagined the extent to which they are willing to spend money while shopping, ranging from $0 to $500.
As hypothesized, brands associated with saving reduced spending, where brands associated with spending encouraged spending. However, slogans generated the opposite pattern of results: slogans that prompted saving actually encouraged spending and vice versa.
The second study was the same, except some participants were instructed to evaluate the extent to which the slogan is creative, potentially distracting individuals from the manipulative intent of these messages. Other participants were instructed to evaluate the degree to which the slogan is persuasive to highlight this manipulative intent. If attention was distracted from the persuasive intent of messages, the slogans elicited behaviors that are congruent, rather than incompatible, with the content. That is, slogans exhibited the same effect as brands.
Likewise, as Study 3 showed, when participants consider the possibility that brands, like slogans, can also be manipulative, the inclinations of these individuals also contradicted the message. Specifically, participants were exposed to various logos and slogans. Some participants were instructed to imagine these logos or slogans were embedded in other ads, all selling products—images that highlight the persuasive intent of these brands. Other participants imagined these logos or slogans appeared in magazines, without any explicit emphasis on advertising or selling. Consistent with the hypotheses, if participants recognized that logos are intended to persuade consumers, brands that correspond to saving encouraged spending and vice versa.
Study 4 demonstrated these effects are observed because participants form unconscious goals to offset the impact of persuasive messages. To assess this possibility, participants completed a task after exposure to the slogans, some of which were intended to satiate the goal to counteract these biases. In particular, to satiate this goal, participants wrote about a time in which they resisted a persuasive message. Furthermore, in this study, some of the brands were familiar whereas other brands were unfamiliar; otherwise, the procedure mirrored the previous studies.
If participants did write about a time in which they resisted a persuasive message, slogans did not elicit inclinations that contradict the message. This finding implies that slogans tend to activate the goal to resist persuasion. Once this motivation is fulfilled, the usual effect of slogans dissipates. Indeed, the final study showed that subliminal exposure to the word "slogan", coupled with a sentence, was sufficient to initiative behaviors that contradict this message. Accordingly, participants tend to associate slogans with the inclination to resist a message.
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Threshold concepts
Introduction
The notion of threshold concepts emanated from a project, undertake in the UK, called the Enhancing Teaching Learning Environments in Undergraduate Courses. Leading academics from across the nation contributed to this project.
According to participants of this project, in most if not all disciplines, after students learn a particular set of concepts or principles, their capacity to grasp other topics improves markedly. That is, the acquisition of specific insights, called threshold concepts, can appreciably expedite the acquisition of other insights in this field. Accordingly, when educators design courses, they should prioritize these threshold concepts.
Characteristics of threshold concepts
These threshold concepts differ appreciably across fields of education. Nevertheless, according to Meyer and Land (2003, 2005), threshold concepts tend to share five characteristics in common. Specifically
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threshold concepts transform the perceptions of individuals about a topic—and often shift the values and beliefs of learners
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threshold concepts are irreversible; once learned, these principles or perspectives cannot be unlearned
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threshold concepts are often hard to learn and may be counterintuitive; they often coincide with the topics or principles that students are grappling to understand (Land et al., 2006)
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threshold concepts tend to be bounded or confined to one academic discipline or some other limit (Barradell & Fortune, 2020)
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threshold concepts tend to integrate separable principles or arguments.
In short, threshold concepts tend to be transformative, irreversible, troublesome, bounded, and integrative. Arguably, not all threshold concepts share these characteristics. Yet, scholars vary on which characteristics they perceive as most essential. To illustrate
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some researchers argue that all threshold concepts should be transformative (e.g., Timmermans & Meyer, 2017)
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Barradell & Fortune (2020) propose some arguments to show that threshold concepts must be bounded as well. This property helps to define and delimit a discipline.
Techniques that have been applied to identify threshold concepts: Overview
Researchers have utilized a range of techniques and practices to distill threshold concepts in particular academic discipline. For example, researchers have
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completed a systematic review of a topic
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conducted interviews with academics in this discipline, asking these individuals to identify the principles or concepts that students must acquire before they can learn other insights
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conduct focus groups with academics in this discipline
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invited academics or students in a discipline to answer sample problems in the field—and then distilled the main concepts these individuals tended to invoke to answer these questions (e.g., (Davies & Mangan, 2005)
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review the examination papers or assignments of students in a field—and then, again, extract the concepts or principles that exemplary students utilize—sometimes using sophisticated mathematical approaches, such as Bayesian knowledge tracing.
Case study: Threshold concepts that relate to corporate sustainability, derived from literature
To understand how threshold concepts may be extracted, researchers should first read some typical case studies in this field. For example, researchers have identified the threshold concepts that underpin corporate sustainability—a topic that lecturers often address during management courses. Montiel et al. (2019) conducted a study to extract the threshold concepts around the topic of corporate sustainability. In particular, the authors conducted derived 33 threshold concepts from a systematic review of this topic, corresponding to six themes. The authors also indicated which of these 33 threshold concepts seem to foster three key competencies in this field: sustainability, responsible leadership, and business ethics. To illustrate some of these results, five of these threshold concepts revolve around one theme—stakeholder dynamics—including
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corporate social performance consistency—the realization that, to improve stakeholder relationships, organizations need to maintain consistent performance in corporate sustainability over time
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dynamic stakeholder status—the observation that which stakeholders an organization should consider to optimize corporate sustainability may shift over time
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collaborative management—revolves around the importance of partners with diverse interests, such as customers, communities, and advocacy groups
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context specific micro-foundations—the notion that which attitudes or behaviors are vital to corporate responsibility varies across industries and settings
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disruption-linked contagion—the discovery that organizations are more likely to emulate the corporate sustainability practices of another firm if these practices were motivated by activist tactics that are supported by evidence rather than protests
To uncover these 33 threshold concepts, the researcher first identified the key theoretical frameworks in this field and then derived from threshold concepts from these frameworks. The reason is that each theoretical framework shifts the perspective of individuals in the field and, therefore, may correspond to distinct threshold concepts. To identify these theoretical frameworks, Montiel et al. (2019)
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utilized a previous review in this field, published in 2013
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conducted a systematic review to update this previous review
To conduct the systematic review and extract the theoretical frameworks, Montiel et al. (2019)
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clarified the objective of this review—to uncover key theoretical frameworks in corporate sustainability between 2013 and now
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searched relevant journals in management, organizational behavior, business journals, and practitioner journals on this topic—as identified in a previous review
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in these journals, searched sustainab…, social responsibility, or environmental strategy in the title or abstract or responsible management in the list of keywords
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read the title, keywords, abstract and the introduction to retain only the articles that revolve around corporate sustainability that adopt a theoretical perspective
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also searched the Professional Development Workshops organized by the Organizations & Natural Environment division of the Academy of Management to uncover theories that might not have been published yet
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coded these articles, according to the theories applied—generating eight theories: institutional theory, stakeholder theory, resource-based view, global system complexity, worldviews for sustainability, sustainability spatio-temporality, emotions in sustainability, and micro-foundations of corporate sustainability
Next, to derive the threshold concepts from each theoretical framework, the researchers examined the concepts or principles within each framework, scouring examples that might generate sudden insights in management—insights that epitomize transformative learning. That is, after the researchers examined in theoretical framework, they would discuss the concepts they identified and resolve discrepancies. Specifically, they would decide whether each concept or principle they distilled fulfilled the criteria of a threshold concept. They repeated this procedure until they reached agreement.
Case study: Threshold concepts that relate to entrepreneurship, derived from a Delphi study
In lieu of literature reviews, to derive threshold concepts, other researchers conduct surveys, interviews, focus groups, or other methods with specialists in the field. To illustrate, researchers have identified the threshold concepts that correspond to entrepreneurship—a topic that lecturers now embed in many courses, including doctoral programs—from the Delphi method. For example, Hatt (2018) conducted three rounds of interviews with entrepreneurs. Briefly, this method uncovered five broad threshold concepts:
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self-efficacy, represented by the phrase “I can create value”. Entrepreneurs need to embrace challenges, apply their strengths, but still be sensitive to their limitations.
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opportunities, represented by the phrase “I see opportunities”. Entrepreneurs need recognize the commercial potential of a product or services—potential that other businesses have overlooked—and feel a passion to change the status quo.
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risk, represented by the phrase “I can manage risk”. Entrepreneurs need to be discerning about which opportunities to pursue, but need to trust their intuitions even when risks are possible
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focus, represented by the phrase “I know what is important”. Entrepreneurs need to absorb themselves in their pursuit, confine their attention towards their vision, and disregard other distractions or changes that might divert focus from this pursuit
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impact, represented by the phrase “I implement action”. Entrepreneurs need to act swiftly rather than defer their actions.
To uncover these threshold concepts, Hatt (2018) first conducted interviews with 17 entrepreneurs, each lasting about 40 minutes. Individuals were eligible if they had founded one or more companies with over 20 employees and a turnover of over $2 million and worked full time as a founder or entrepreneur for 10 years. These participants were derived from the membership of the Entrepreneurs’ Forum (2017).
During these interviews, the researcher prompted the entrepreneurs to depict narratives about their work life. The interviews were subjected to thematic analysis to identify the key mindsets that facilitate entrepreneurial pursuits. That is, each answer was coded, and overlapping codes were integrated to generate themes and eventually nine threshold concepts.
Next, 12 of these entrepreneurs participated in the second round, comprising a survey, in which they responded to the results of the first round. For example, participants indicated the degree to which these threshold concepts seem important to the role and mindset of an entrepreneur—as well as the extent to which these concepts differentiate the role of entrepreneur from other roles.
Finally, 10 of these entrepreneurs participated in a third round, also comprising surveys, to generate consensus. Specifically, these entrepreneurs indicated the degree to which they felt the final set of threshold concepts were critical to the role. Consensus was defined as greater than 80% agreement that a threshold concept was critical. Only five threshold concepts reached consensus.
Case study: Threshold concepts that relate to research skills development in biological sciences derived from Bayesian knowledge tracing
Rather than methods that depend on the subjective opinions of researchers or specialists in a field, some techniques derive threshold concepts from the performance of students. One example is called Bayesian knowledge tracing. In essence, Bayesian knowledge tracing attempts to uncover a skill, called the source skill, that predicts improvements in performance on other skills, called the destination skill. A skill that predicts improvements in performance on other skills may be a threshold concept.
To illustrate, Kang et al. (2022) examined a dataset, derived from 84 PhD students, who provided a a writing sample, written individually, every year across four years. These writing samples may include draft manuscripts, research proposals, or other writing extracts. The researchers then utilized a rubric, presented by Feldon et al. (2019), to evaluate the degree to which these extracts demonstrate various research skills, such as the capacity to
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analyze data and select which data to analyze
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derive conclusions from results, identify limitations of the study, propose alternative explanations of findings, and discuss the implications of findings
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integrate the literature and set testable hypotheses
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design a suitable experiment, with appropriate experimental controls
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present the results and writing proficiently
Two raters, blind to the identity of each student, evaluated the writing samples on 13 research skills. Each skill was rated on a scale from 0 to 3.25. The researchers then utilized an algorithm that estimates the likelihood that one research skill will transfer to another research skill (see Kang et al., 2022, for a description of this algorithm). A modified version of Baker’s Bayesian Knowledge Tracing—BF software package was utilized to conduct this analysis. This analysis generates a k value, a parameter that reflects the degree to which a past source skill contributes to a future destination skill, potentially representing a threshold concept. The results, although not straightforward, indicate that
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understanding statistical control and replication depends on knowledge of many other research skills—suggesting this skill may be troublesome
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thus, statistical control and replication may be a threshold concept
Case study: Threshold concepts that relate to pre-clinical medical education derived from student perspectives
Typically, to derive threshold concepts, researchers garner the opinions and perspectives of teaching staff, such as lecturers, or specialists in the field. However, some researchers have derived threshold concepts, either partly or wholly, from the perspectives of students.
Derias et al. (2021), for example, conducted a study in which medical students were granted an opportunity to contribute towards discussions about threshold concepts in pre-clinical medical education. Specifically, in this study, medical students first learned the defining features of threshold concepts. Next, they were exposed to clinical case studies about various organs, similar to problem-based learning. Finally, to help identify threshold concepts, these students answered a series of questions in focus groups, such as
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which ideas have they learned in other courses that helped these individuals understand these case studies
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which concepts were hard to grasp
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which concepts should have been clarified earlier in the course
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which concepts about organs really changed your outlook?
The researchers then attempted to extract threshold concepts from these answers—that is, concepts that are transformative, irreversible, troublesome, bounded, and integrative. This analysis uncovered
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several potential threshold concepts that fulfill all five of these criteria, including secondary messenger systems, pressure gradients, preload, afterload, and cell membrane potential
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several potential threshold concepts that fulfill some, but not all, the criteria, including renin-angiotensin-aldosterone system, acid-base homeostasis, and thermoregulation
All the focus groups referred to the secondary messenger systems as a concept that is hard to learn and potentially a threshold concept.
Case study: Threshold concepts that relate to doctoral education, developed in writing programs
Several researchers have explored the threshold concepts that are relevant to doctoral studies (e.g., Kiley, 2009; Kiley & Wisker, 2009). Specifically, these researchers interviewed supervisors of doctoral candidates to uncover these threshold concepts. These interviews unearthed six threshold concepts:
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the argument of a thesis
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theory
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framework
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knowledge creation
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analysis and interpretation
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research paradigms
According to Wisker (2015), the literature review is an activity in which candidates both develop and demonstrate these threshold concepts. Accordingly, to help candidates acquire these concepts, Chatterjee-Padmanabhan et al. (2019) convened a writing program to help doctoral candidates develop a threshold concept around literature reviews. The program comprised short workshops, activities, and discussions, all designed to develop the capacity of candidates to conduct a literature review and to critically evaluate research, including their own studies. Across three sessions, the candidates
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learned about how to organize a literature review and confine their attention to particular research question
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practiced skills in critically appraising other reviews and research
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learned how to write a narrative—in response to prompts such as what is your search strategy, what themes emanated from this review, how can these themes be integrated, and what is your stance?
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were granted time to write drafts
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delivered and received feedback on drafts
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considered which voices in the literature they were prioritizing
After the workshop, many of the candidates felt their fragmented knowledge of literature reviews crystallized. They also realized how many of the skills they developed can be applied to other chapters of their thesis. These experiences seemed transformative, irreversible, troublesome, and integrative, representing some of the features of threshold concepts.
Other examples of threshold concepts: Indigenous studies
Moodie (2019) proposed five threshold concepts that are relevant to Indigenous studies in Australia. These threshold concepts include
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race—in which students learn that references to race are an expression of power and a tool of colonialism, with reference to theories of Social Darwinism and imperialism
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Country—in which students learn about the cultural, economic, and spiritual meanings of country for Indigenous peoples as well as the distinction between country, land, and place. For example, they learn that narratives around place, rather than country, are not adequate to address the decolonial goals of Indigenous communities.
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relationality—in which students learn about the importance of collective, connected identities for Indigenous peoples, extending on the notion of Country. Students learn how the dynamic processes of connections and transactions are prioritized over substances
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policy—in which students learn how government policies, both now and in the past, have compromised Indigenous agency, sovereignty and wellbeing.
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evidence—in which students learn about how the West defined evidence dismissed Indigenous perspectives in the design of research, collection of data, and translation of findings into practice. Western perspectives of evidence tend to use data to underscore the deficits of Indigenous peoples.
Implications to curriculum design and liminality
Threshold concepts, once identified, can shape the design of curricula. For example, instructors should
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inspire students to embrace, rather than avoid, a mindset in which they are grappling with a concept; for example, these instructors should reveal that understanding may evolve jaggedly over time and that most students experience moments of confusion
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grant many opportunities that enable students to master threshold concepts over time—recognizing that individuals do not learn these concepts gradually and uniformly, but often explore a topic, deviate from the topic, revisit a topic, and so forth as they master these concepts
This mindset, in which individuals must experience a hiatus, space, or threshold between one identity or understanding and another identity or understanding is sometimes called the liminal space (e.g., Turner, 1979). That is, when individuals approach the verge of a different state—such as before they experience a key insight that transforms their knowledge—they experience this liminality. Many rituals, such as wedding ceremonies, symbolized this liminal state.
In the realm of education, doubt is a central feature of this liminal state and thus is an emotion or experience that is central to learning. For example, Hawkins and Edwards (2015) depicted this experience of doubt in students who study leadership. As students progress in these courses, their existing distinctions, such as the distinction between suitable practices and unsuitable practices, may begin to blur, evoking a sense of ambiguity. They argued this liminal space is particularly essential to leadership, because uncertainty is central to both the learning and the practice of leadership.
Implications to curriculum design: More extensive placements
Researchers have applied the notion of threshold concepts to justify more extended placements. To illustrate, in most medical schools, medical students are usually assigned to short placements or rotations, each confined to one discipline. However, in some medical schools, medical students are assigned to more extensive placements in a regional community, often lasting six months or longer, in which they engage in a range of services.
Gupta and Howden (2021) revealed how these extended placements, sometimes called longitudinal integrated clerkships, can facilitate the acquisition of threshold concepts. Specifically, after students are exposed to these extended placements, they felt more confident and comfortable with uncertainty about the role and decisions. They assumed greater responsibility to foster their learning rather than adopted the role of a passive vesicle, waiting to receive information. Their initial feelings of anxiety and doubt inspired these students to direct their own learning—an approach they felt they would maintain indefinitely in the future. These changes appeared to epitomize many of the features and qualities of threshold concepts, such as transformative, irreversible, and troublesome.
Implications to curriculum design: Opportunities to gain multiple insights
According to Heading and Loughlin (2018), since the advent of threshold concepts, many educators assume their role is to help students acquire the threshold concept—perhaps by delineating a pathway that students can follow to develop this understanding. However, according to Heading and Loughlin (2018), teachers must enable learners to forge their own pathway, utilize their own experiences and strengths as well as gain a unique set of understandings.
To appreciate this role, educators need to understand how students develop knowledge. According to Lonergan (1957), and as promulgated by Heading and Loughlin (2018)
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students will be exposed to some experience—perhaps a problem that teachers pose
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this experience will generate questions that students attempt to answer, perhaps by reading materials, reflecting carefully, or conducting experiments
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these attempts will generate some insight or thought they had not experienced before
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students then attempt to articulate or describe this insight, either to themselves or other people. This attempt will tend to discard the details of this insight—and thus translate the insight from a specific moment to a more generalized belief, called a concept
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finally, students will evaluate the legitimacy of this concept and reach a judgment about whether this concept is correct. If correct, this generalized insight, or concept, is embedded within the knowledge of students. If incorrect, the concept is dismissed
According to this perspective, students do not experience a discrete moment of understanding. Instead, they consider and discard a range of insights that, over time, coalesce to approach this threshold. Educators should grant opportunities that enable many smaller insights rather than pursue some grand, immediate transformation in the minds of students.
Controversies about threshold concepts: Ubiquity of transformative concepts
Many scholars refer to the five features of threshold concepts—transformative, irreversible, troublesome, bounded, and integrative—to differentiate threshold concepts from other concepts. Yet, as Rowbottom (2007), most concepts may share at least one, if not all, these features. That is, even the most trivial concepts may be transformational to some individuals.
To illustrate, according to Rowbottom (2007), even traffic lights could be transformative. If someone had been driving a car over many years but had never understood traffic lights, once this person grasps the concept, the experience would be transformational. Suddenly, the person would understand why drivers would sometimes, but not always, stop at these lights. The meaning of this object would shift dramatically.
As this example reveals, whether a principle can be regarded as a threshold concept may not be an inherent property of this concept but dependent on the experience of individuals. Which principles can be deemed as threshold concepts may vary across students, diminishing the utility of this perspective.
Controversies about threshold concepts: Assessments of threshold concepts
To decide which topics to discuss, educators need to ascertain whether students have acquired a threshold concept. That is, educators need to be able to assess these threshold concepts. However, for several reasons, threshold concepts are notoriously hard to assess or measure.
First, understanding of a threshold concept does not necessarily translate to a tangible ability. Students might have attained a threshold concept, such as statistical control or tennis, but cannot necessarily demonstrate this understanding in practice. They might not be able to conduct appropriate statistical tests or play tennis, despite this understanding. That is, ability or performance depends on both understanding as well as practice (Heading & Loughlin, 2018; Rowbottom, 2007). Because understanding a threshold concept may not manifest as a tangible ability, this understanding may be hard to monitor or assess in practice.
Similarly, most threshold concepts are multifaceted. Even playing tennis comprises a range of subordinate concepts—and these subordinate concepts might comprise subordinate concepts and so forth. This perspective challenges the assumption that educators can identify a single threshold that determines whether this concept has been understood (Heading & Loughlin, 2018; Rowbottom, 2007).
References
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Barradell, S. (2013). The identification of threshold concepts: a review of theoretical complexities and methodological challenges. Higher Education, 65(2), 265-276.
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Barradell, S., & Fortune, T. (2020). Bounded: the neglected threshold concept characteristic. Innovations in Education and Teaching International, 57(3), 296–304.
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Chatterjee-Padmanabhan, M., Nielsen, W., & Sanders, S. (2019). Joining the research conversation: threshold concepts embedded in the literature review. Higher Education Research and Development, 38(3), 494–507.
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Cousin, G. (2006). An introduction to threshold concepts. Planet, 17(1), 4-5.
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Derias, N., Loftus, S., & Kamel-ElSayed, S. (2021). Threshold Concepts in Preclinical Medical Education: Students’ Perceptions. Medical Science Educator, 31(2), 917–921
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Feldon, D. F., Litson, K., Jeong, S., Blaney, J. M., Kang, J., Miller, C., ... Roksa, J. (2019). Postdocs’ lab engagement predicts trajectories of PhD students’ skill development. In Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 116(42), 20910–20916.
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Gupta, S., & Howden, S. (2021). Medical students’ experiences of a longitudinal integrated clerkship: a threshold concepts analysis. Education for Primary Care, 32(6), 336–343
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Hatt, L. (2018). Threshold concepts in entrepreneurship – the entrepreneurs’ perspective. Education & Training (London), 60(2), 155–167.
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Hawkins, B., & Edwards, G. (2015). Managing the monsters of doubt: Liminality, threshold concepts and leadership learning. Management Learning, 46(1), 24–43.
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Heading, D., & Loughlin, E. (2018). Lonergan’s insight and threshold concepts: students in the liminal space. Teaching in Higher Education, 23(6), 657–667.
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Kang, J., Baker, R., Feng, Z., Na, C., Granville, P., & Feldon, D. F. (2022). Detecting threshold concepts through Bayesian knowledge tracing: examining research skill development in biological sciences at the doctoral level. Instructional Science.
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Kiley, M. (2009). Identifying threshold concepts and proposing strategies to support doctoral candidates. Innovations in Education and Teaching International, 43(3), 293–304.
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Kiley, M., & Wisker, G. (2009). Threshold concepts in research education and evidence of threshold crossing. Higher Education Research & Development, 28, 431–441.
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Kinchin, I. M., Cabot, L. B., Kobus, M., & Woolford, M. (2011). Threshold concepts in dental education. European Journal of Dental Education, 15(4), 210–215.
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Land, R., Cousin, G., Meyer, J. H., & Davies, P. (2005). Threshold concepts and troublesome knowledge 3: Implications for course design and evaluation. Improving Student Learning Diversity and Inclusivity, 4, 53-64.
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Land, R., Cousin, G., Meyer, J. H., & Davies, P. (2006). Conclusion: Implications of threshold concepts for course design and evaluation. In Overcoming barriers to student understanding (pp. 195-206). Routledge.
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Land, R., Rattray, J., & Vivian, P. (2014). Learning in the liminal space: A semiotic approach to threshold concepts. Higher Education, 67(2), 199–217.
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Meyer, J., & Land, R. (2003). Threshold concepts and troublesome knowledge: Linkages to ways of thinking and practising within the disciplines (pp. 412-424). Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh.
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Meyer, J. H., & Land, R. (2005). Threshold concepts and troublesome knowledge 2: Epistemological considerations and a conceptual framework for teaching and learning. Higher Education, 49(3), 373-388.
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Meyer, J. H., & Land, R. (2006). Threshold concepts and troublesome knowledge: An introduction. In Overcoming barriers to student understanding (pp. 3-18). Routledge.
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Montiel, I., Gallo, P. J., & Antolin-Lopez, R. (2019). What on Earth should managers learn about corporate sustainability? A threshold concept approach. Journal of Business Ethics, 162(4), 857–880.
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Moodie, N. (2019). Learning about knowledge: Threshold concepts for Indigenous studies in education. Australian Educational Researcher, 46(5), 735–749.
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Timmermans, J. A., & Meyer, J. H. F. (2017). A framework for working with university teachers to create and embed ‘Integrated Threshold Concept Knowledge’ (ITCK) in their practice. International Journal for Academic Development, 1–15.
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Psychological reactance theory: A theory that explains defiance
Introduction
Often, people feel obliged to adopt a particular opinion or engage in a specific behavior. In these circumstances, they feel their freedom or autonomy is impeded. When they feel their or autonomy is impeded, individuals tend to experience an aversive or unpleasant state, called psychological reactance (Brehm, 1966, 1972; Brehm & Brehm, 1981; Wicklund, 1974).
In response this feeling, individuals often initiative behaviors that are intended to restore this autonomy (Brehm, 1966, 1972; Brehm & Brehm, 1981; Wicklund, 1974). For example, they might espouse an opinion that opposes the belief or attitude they were encouraged to adopt. Consequently, psychological reactance often augments resistance to persuasion (Brehm & Brehm, 1981). This theory was proposed to explain many common examples of resistance in society, such as the adverse effects of prohibition.
More recently, studies have shown that students, at all levels, often experience called psychological reactance in the classroom (Ball & Goodboy, 2014; Buboltz et al., 2003; Frey et al., 2021; Zhang & Sapp, 2013). That is, teachers will often diminish the freedom and autonomy of a student, sometimes culminating in the very behaviors they were attempting to prevent.
Causes of reactance
Whenever people feel that a free behavior is restricted, they are more susceptible to this feeling of reactance (Brehm, 1966, 1972, Brehm & Brehm, 1981l Wicklund, 1974). A free behavior is defined as an act or choice that individuals could undertake now or very soon. People are especially likey to experience psychological reactance when they feel that many of their free behaviors are restricted or when they feel that an important free behavior is restricted.
Causes of reactance: Language
Research indicates that some linguistic features seem to evoke the perception that free behavior might be curtailed, eliciting psychological reactance. In particular, language that is dogmatic, sometimes referred to as controlling (Miller, Lane, Deatrick, Young, & Potts, 2007) or explicit (Grandpre, Alvaro, Burgoon, Miller, & Hall, 2003), may provokes psychological reactance. To illustrate, as shown by Quick and Stephenson (2008), dogmatic messages were perceived as more threatening, provoking psychological reactance, anger, and unfavorable thoughts. The dogmatic messages include:
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imperatives, such as "must" or "need”
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absolute allegations, such as "cannot deny that..." or "This issue is extremely serious
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derision towards other perspectives, such as "Any reasonable person would agree that…”
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threatening warnings rather than merely impartial, objective information (Bushman, 1998)
In contrast, messages that are less dogmatic do not provoke this sequence of reactions. These messages are more likely to include
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allusions to choice, such as "You have a chance to..." or "We leave the choice to you”.
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qualified propositions, such as "There is some evidence that..." or "This issue is fairly serious”
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impartial, objective information (Bushman, 1998)
Many other studies have also confirmed that dogmatic language can promote reactance. For example, several studies have shown that dogmatic language, intended to curb alcohol use, provokes psychological reactance (e.g., Rains & Turner, 2007). That is, when the language is dogmatic, people tend to discard warnings about alcohol use. Quick and Stephenson (2008) also showed that vivid, graphical language can also provoke a sense of threat and thus psychological reactance.
Causes of reactance: Individual differences
The likelihood that a message will elicit psychological reactance varies across individuals. According to Burgoon, Alvaro, Grandpre, and Voloudakis (2002), psychological reactance should be more pervasive in individuals who are especially motivated to choose their own courses of action and to experience autonomy and freedom. Consistent with this premise, Dowd, Wallbrown, Sanders, and Yesenosky (1994) showed that individuals who seek autonomy—but also tend to be mistrusting—are more inclined to experience psychological reactance.
Some people seldom experience psychological reactance and, therefore, embrace direct instructions. To illustrate, Karno and Longabaugh (2005) studies clients who were seeking to address their alcoholism. The clients completed a questionnaire that assesses their inclination to experience psychological reactance. If clients seldom experience psychological reactance, they were more likely to change their behavior if the counsellor was directive—and, for example, confronted these individuals, directed the conversation, asked leading questions, and imparted facts. In contrast, if clients often experience psychological reactance, they were not as likely to change their behavior if the counsellor was directive
To some extent, the family environment of individuals might affect the level of psychological reactance that people experience. To illustrate, Buboltz et al. (2003) administered a survey to students that measures their tendency to experience psychological reactance—such as anger or annoyance in response to direct requests—as well as their family environment. Students whose parents had divorced were more likely to report psychological reactance. Students whose families were cohesive, permitted candidate expression, and fostered independence were less likely to experience psychological reactance. These students are not as sensitive or attuned to threats that impede their freedom. They feel more assured their autonomy is sustainable.
Causes of reactance: Physical space
In addition to verbal communication, the physical characteristics of an environment can also provoke a form of psychological reactance, as Levav and Zhu (2009) revealed. For example, when individuals feel their personal space is confined, they seem to demonstrate some manifestations of psychological reactance. In particular, they tend to select unfamiliar or diverse products--selections that, arguably, represent a motive to demonstrate independence. This pursuit of independence might represent a response to psychological reactance.
To illustrate, in the first study conducted by Levav and Zhu (2009), participants walked down either a narrow or wide aisle. At the end of this aisle was six bowls of candy bars, including Snickers, Twix, and Kit Kat. Participants were asked to choose three candy bars.
Participants who walked down the narrow aisle were more likely to choose three different bars. Participants who walked down the wide aisle often chose the same product three times. When physical space is constrained, individuals tends to feel encumbered (e.g., Meyers-Levy & Zhu, 2007). So, they seek independence, manifested as variety.
In a subsequent study, a confined space increased the likelihood that individuals would donate money to an unfamiliar, rather than renowned, charity. The confined space, in this study, thus encouraged individuals to engage in uncommon acts to seek independence (cf Kim & Drolet, 2007). Furthermore, this effect was mediated by feelings of confinement but not positive or negative emotions (Levav & Zhu, 2009).
The third study demonstrated these effects do represent a response to reactance. Specifically, in this study, participants also completed the Hong Psychological Reactance Scale (Hong & Faedda, 1996) to assess the extent to which they are sensitive to reactance. A typical item is "When something is prohibited, I usually think 'That's exactly what I am going to do'". Interestingly, if participants reported a sensitivity to psychological reactance, a confined space was especially likely to broaden the diversity of products they selected (Levav & Zhu, 2009).
Other studies also indicate that confined spaces elicit psychological reactance. To illustrate, market researchers often approach consumers in the street, asking whether they are willing to answer some questions. When the distance between these individuals diminishes, refusals are more likely (Wicklund, 1974).
Consequences of psychological reactance
Psychological reactance can evoke a series of reactions. First, and perhaps most strikingly, psychological reactance can provoke behaviors that oppose the rules or courses of action that were imposed and encouraged (Buller, Borland, & Burgoon, 1998). Specifically, individuals often show boomerang effects, in which they become more inclined to enact the very behavior that was restricted (Brehm, 1966). Alternatively, they might engage in acts that are similar, but different, to the behavior that has been restricted, such as smoke more often after drugs are prohibited, called related boomerang effects (see Quick & Stephenson, 2007; Quick & Stephenson, 2008).
Second, other similar individuals can also reestablish this sense of freedom. For example, consider a person who cannot engage in a particular act, such as smoke a cigarette. A close friend who enacts a similar behavior, such as smoke marijuana, partly restores the sense of freedom, diminishing reactance, called indirect restoration (Brehm & Brehm, 1981) or vicarious boomerang effects (see Quick & Stephenson, 2007; Quick & Stephenson, 2008).
Third, psychological reactance promotes unfavorable attitudes towards the behavior or proposal that has been imposed, such as a prohibition on smoking (see Dillard & Shen, 2005; Rains & Turner, 2007). For example, prohibitions on smoking might foster adverse attitudes towards these restrictions. Likewise, the message itself might be perceived as flawed or misguided (e.g., Quick & Stephenson, 2007).
Finally, reactance provokes adverse attitudes towards the source of any restriction. That is, individuals who prohibit some free behavior are regarded unfavorably (Miller, Lane, Deatrick, Young, & Potts, 2007).
Causes and consequences of psychological reactance in the classroom
Studies have revealed that students, in tertiary education, often experience psychological reactance in the classroom. Specifically, when instructors express messages that are forceful or ambiguous, students are more inclined to report feelings of psychological reactance. That is, they acknowledge feelings of anger, annoyance, and other unpleasant emotions towards the message. Consequently, the students were more likely to defy the instructions or advice.
In one study, conducted by Ball and Goodboy (2014), participants read about a scenario in which an instructor asked students to complete an assignment that was not included in the course syllabus and will not be graded. The participants were asked to imagine themselves as students in this scenario.
The degree to which the instructor used forceful language was manipulated. That is, some participants read an example in which the instructor used forceful terms, such as must and ought. Other participants read an example in which the instructor used terms that were not forceful, such as might or could. In addition, the clarity of this message was manipulated. That is, some but not all participants read an example in which the instructor used vague terms, such as “probably not grade”, “sort of feedback”. If the messages were forceful or uncertain, participants reported greater feelings of psychological reactance, feeling angry and annoyed by the instruction. They also acknowledged they would behave more defiantly, such as talk during class rather than participate in this activity, complain, or even seek revenge.
This finding is consistent with the notion that uncertain words can also impinge autonomy and thus elicit psychological reactance. Specifically, certain words confine the scope of this message. Students thus feel more secure. Uncertain words do not confine the scope of this message. And thus, when messages are vague, students feel insecure. They feel their autonomy could be impeded, evoking psychological reactance.
Even written requests can elicit psychological reactance in students, as Frey et al. (2021) revealed. In their study, students read policies in the syllabus. If the language of these policies was forceful, students felt less inclined to comply. In addition, if the policies seemed unfair, students also felt less disinclined to comply, regardless of the language. Presumably, when policies seem unfair, students feel they might experience some adversity, even if they behave appropriately. They feel the consequences transcend their control. As this sense of control dissipates, students feel their autonomy has been infringed, eliciting psychological reactance.
As Zhang and Sapp (2013) revealed, however, direct requests do not always elicit psychological reactance. Specifically, when instructors speak politely, have developed a trusting relationship with the students, or express a reasonable request, students are unlikely to experience psychological reactance.
Implications of psychological reactance: Self-talk
Sometimes, individuals essentially engage in conversations with themselves. They might attempt to motivate themselves, with aphorisms like "I will succeed".
These private conversations may comprise statements, like "I will exercise", or questions, like "Will I exercise?". Statements can promote psychological reactance. That is, individuals might, inadvertently, reject their own aphorisms, especially if these messages seem dogmatic and dictatorial. In contrast, questions are less inclined to promote reactance. These messages are not as dogmatic or dictatorial (Senay, Albarracin, & Noguchi, 2010).
Senay, Albarracin, and Noguchi (2010) conducted some research to verify these assertions. In one study, for example, some participants wrote the phrase "Will I" 20 times. Some other participants wrote the phrase "I will" 20 times. Next, participants completed a task in which they needed to unscramble a series of words, like when and cause, to construct alternative terms, such as hewn and sauce. Relative to participants who wrote "I will" 20 times, participants who wrote "Will I" 20 times solved more of these words. Presumably, the phrase "Will I" evoked less psychological reactance, fostering a sense of enjoyment, promoting persistence, and improving performance on the task.
In a subsequent study, after writing "I will" or "Will I" 20 times, participants were asked to specify the extent to which they plan to exercise next week. In addition, they reported the degree to which they experienced intrinsic motives to exercise rather than pressure or obligation. Participants who wrote the phase "Will I" 20 times intended to exercise more frequently--and this association was mediated by intrinsic motives (Senay, Albarracin, & Noguchi, 2010).
One of the implications of these findings, according to Senay, Albarracin, and Noguchi (2010), is that counselors should often ask their clients whether they plan to engage in some desirable behavior, such as forgive a friend who had acted offensively. Over time, clients might learn to ask questions to themselves, promoting enjoyment and engagement in their tasks.
Implications of psychological reactance: The effects of direct eye contact
Despite popular opinion, people are not as likely to be persuaded by someone while they sustain eye contact with this person. Direct eye contact may provoke responses that mirror psychological reactance.
In one study, conducted by Chen, Minson, Schone, and Heinrichs (2013), participants watched videos of speakers who were attempting to disseminate a message. The speakers were facing either directly into the camera or slightly away from the camera. Before and after these videos, participants indicated their attitude towards the issues these speakers discussed, such as nuclear energy, affirmation action, and assisted suicide. The direction of gaze in participants was also monitored.
Participants who tended to initially agree with the speaker's opinion maintained direct eye contact over a longer period. Yet, direct eye contact was negatively associated with the degree to which participants shifted their opinion.
The second study was similar, except some of the features were more tightly controlled. Participants, initially, always disagreed with the speaker. The speaker always faced the camera. Furthermore, the underlying mechanisms were examined in more detail. For example, participants reported the degree to which they felt receptive to the speaker and message. Finally, participants were encouraged to direct their eyes either to the eyes or mouth of the speaker. Direct eye contact was again associated with reduced attitude change.
Presumably, at least in some circumstances or cultures, when individuals notice that someone is staring into their eyes, they feel this person is attempting to establish dominance. The gesture is perceived as a signal of hostility or dominance, especially in settings in which people are trying to persuade one another and thus feel a sense of conflict. In response, individuals tend to become more resistant, similar to psychological reactance, as a means to establish their autonomy.
Controversies
Sometimes, direct communication can be more effective, at least over a longer duration, as shown by Overall, Fletcher, Simpson, and Sibley (2008). In their study, romantic partners were videotaped attempting to change each other.
The strategies were coded as positive versus negative and direct versus indirect. For example, positive, direct attempts included rational, logical arguments. Positive, indirect attempts included seeking the perspective of partners, highlighting their qualities, and using humor. Negative direct attempts were more insistent, critical, demanding, and coercive, sometimes involving anger or other adverse emotions. Finally, negative indirect attempts were more subversive, manipulating the partner by eliciting guilt or displaying tears, for example.
Initially, the direct strategies were unsuccessful. Over the next 12 months, partners were more likely to change if positive strategies had initially been used. Positive indirect strategies were initially perceived as most successful, but did not correspond to lasting benefits over the 12 month period. When direct communication was applied, individuals were more inclined to engage in the conversation, recognizing the gravity of this issue.
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Attention residue
Introduction to attention residue
When people study or work, they often attempt or complete a sequence of tasks or activities within a limited time. At university, they might first study mathematics and then attend a chemistry lecture, for example. At work, they might commence an accounting project and then, midway, attempt to arrange an appointment with a doctor. Unfortunately, when individuals proceed to the second activity, such as the chemistry lecture or accounting project, some of their attention and thoughts still revolve around the first task—called attention residue.
Attention residue might include ruminations about the previous activity—in which individuals replay their mistakes in their mind repeatedly. Or attention residue may also comprise a broader array of reflections, such as alternative solutions (Leroy, 2009). Regardless, attention residue often distracts attention from the second task. In the previous example at university, students might be distracted during the first 10 or so minutes of the chemistry lecture, comprising their concentration and impairing their capacity to learn (for a similar effect, see Newton et al., 2020). Duplice (2017) argued that attention residue could significantly impede the learning of students in tertiary education institutions.
Fortunately, researchers have uncovered some conditions or practices that mitigate this attention residue. To illustrate, in tertiary education, students should be encouraged, at least occasionally, to
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divide large goals into a set of smaller tasks—and attempt to complete each task entirely before they progress to another task
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study vigorously for a limited time, such as 30 minutes, and then relax; during these bursts of study, deliberately set ambitious goals, to cultivate a sense of haste
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whenever they are disrupted from one task—such as after receiving a text—they should briefly plan the first couple of actions they will complete after they return to this task
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refrain from the inclination to study too many courses or sequences of classes at the same time, unless these courses or sequences are similar to one another.
Practices that prevent or diminish attention residue: Completion of tasks
Because attention residue may impair the capacity of individuals to study or to work effectively, researchers have explored the conditions or actions that might resolve or temper this problem (e.g., Leroy & Schmidt, 2016). For example, as Leroy (2009) showed, when individuals feel they have completed some task fully —that is, when they feel their goals or targets have been fulfilled entirely—they are not as likely to feel distracted on subsequent tasks. The level of attention residue declines.
To illustrate, even after individuals complete a task, such as attempt to study mathematics, they sometimes feel they have not entirely fulfilled their goals. In this example, they might feel, even unconsciously, they have not learned some of the mathematics equations as comprehensively as they hoped. These incomplete goals tend to linger in their mind; that is, these goals persist in an activated or alert state in some sense (Klinger, 1975; Martin & Tesser, 1996). Therefore, even after individuals shift to another activity, these goals continue to be activated, distracting attention.
To substantiate this possibility, Leroy (2009) conducted a pair of studies in which participants undertook two consecutive tasks: a verbal activity, lasting five minutes, and then an evaluation of resumes. Some of the participants were assigned very steep targets on the verbal activity. These participants did not usually fulfill these targets before they proceeded to the next activity. Other participants were assigned modest targets on the verbal activity and thus satisfied these goals.
Compared to participants who had fulfilled their targets, participants who had not fulfilled their targets were more likely to experience intrusive thoughts about the verbal activity while completing the subsequent task. That is, immediately after completing the verbal activity, they recognized words associated with this task more rapidly than did other participants (Leroy, 2009). That is, they could rapidly ascertain whether these items were indeed legitimate words--a procedure, called a lexical decision task, that is often used to evaluate the accessibility of some concept in the mind (e.g., Moskowitz, 2002).
Conversely, if participants had fulfilled their targets, they could not as swiftly recognize words associated with this task. While they completed the subsequent activity, they were not as distracted by this previous task. Their performance on this subsequent activity was thus more proficient. They could remember the contents of each resume more effectively.
Practices that prevent or diminish attention residue: Time pressure
Nevertheless, even after individuals complete some activity, and feel like they have fulfilled some goal, they still occasionally contemplate this task, manifesting as attention residue. Fortunately, Leroy (2009) recognized that time pressure tends to promote a need to finalize decisions. That is, whenever participants experience a sense of time pressure or haste while reaching a decision, they consider only the main choices rather than deliberate over every possible course of action. Because they confine their attention to a limited array of alternatives, they are less inclined to experience a sense of regret about their performance on the previous task (Iyengar & Lepper, 2000). They are, therefore, not as likely to ruminate.
To examine this possibility, Leroy (2009) manipulated the level of time pressure that individuals experienced. In this study, participants attempted to complete some task. Some participants were informed that most individuals feel the target is hard to reach in the allotted time—to evoke a sense of time pressure. Other participants were informed the target is manageable. Time pressure did indeed curb attention residue. Participants who felt rushed were less inclined to reflect upon the previous activity.
Practices that prevent or diminish attention residue: Plans
Besides task completion and time pressure, researchers have uncovered another practice that might diminish attention residue: brief plans. To illustrate this practice, consider a student, Jenny, who is studying mathematics. Midway during this task, Jenny receives a text from her manager at work, asking her to locate a science paper immediately.
Most individuals would experience attention residue in this circumstance: Thoughts about the mathematics task would crowd her capacity to locate the science paper. However, if Jenny briefly formulates a plan on how she will resume the mathematics study, this problem dissipates. For example, if Jenny jots on a piece “Read pages 30 to 33 and then attempt Exercise 4”, she is unlikely to experience attention residue. This plan diminishes the likelihood that her concentration will drift to the first task.
As this example illustrates, this practice is useful in a particular circumstance: when individuals, after commencing one task, are distracted and must switch to a second task. In these circumstances, as Leroy and Glomb (2018) revealed, individuals should attempt a simple exercise: As soon as they are distracted, these individuals should briefly plan how they will resume the first task when the opportunity unfolds. This simple plan tends to diminish rumination about the first task.
Implications of attention residue: Multiple projects
Attention residue affects the number of projects on which individuals should work or study at the same time. That is, in some workplaces, individuals are assigned to multiple projects simultaneously. They might switch from one project to another project several times in one day. Similarly, students might study multiple courses in the one day rather than confine themselves to one course each day.
When individuals shift from one task to another task, they experience two complications, as Colicev et al. (2022) argued. First, because of attention residue, while they complete the second task, their attention might be diverted to the first task. Second, when they switch to the second task, they need some time to reignite their memories, goals, and plans of this activity, called cognitive setup.
These considerations imply that individuals, including students, should never complete more than one project or course in a day. However, this conclusion is premature. As Colicev et al. (2022) proposed, people also experience some benefits when they work on multiple projects or courses during a short period. If they need to suspend their efforts on one project, because of some obstacle for example, they do not need to wait aimlessly but can switch to the other project instead. They might also develop a skill in one task that could benefit the other task.
Colicev et al. (2022), however, argued the benefit of multiple tasks tends to plateau as the number of activities increases. That is, two projects or courses might be more efficient than one project or course. But six projects or courses might not be more efficient than five projects or courses—partly because five activities are unlikely to be suspended at the same time. Accordingly, Colicev et al. (2022) hypothesized an inverted U relationship: attempts to complete several tasks, projects, or courses in one day might improve performance more than one task, project, or course at a time. But many tasks, projects, or courses in one day—perhaps more than six or so—may compromise performance.
Colicev et al. (2022) uncovered some findings, derived from human resources data that were collated by a multi-national firm, that confirm this hypothesis. That is, in this study, if employees were members of a moderate number of projects simultaneously—that is, not too few or too many—their performance tended to improve. If employees were members of only one project team or more than ten project teams, their performance tended to deteriorate.
Nevertheless, as Colicev et al. (2022) revealed, several conditions or circumstances affect the number of projects to which employees should be assigned. To illustrate, roughly
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if employees are specialists on these projects, they perform most effectively if they are assigned to quite a few projects—perhaps six or more. In contrast, if employees have not developed exclusive skills that are relevant to these projects, they perform most effectively if they are assigned to only a couple of projects—perhaps three or fewer
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if employees have collaborated before, they perform most effectively if they are assigned to quite a few projects—perhaps six or more. In contrast, if employees have not collaborated before, they perform most effectively if they are assigned to only a couple of projects—perhaps three or fewer
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if the projects are similar to one another, employees perform most effectively if they are assigned to quite a few projects—perhaps six or more. In contrast, if the projects diverge from one another, employees perform most effectively if they are assigned to only a couple of projects—perhaps three or fewer
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that is, when employees are familiar with the tasks or colleagues, or complete similar projects, the benefits of multiple projects or tasks is augmented.
Besides the number of tasks, projects, or courses, the relationships between these tasks, projects, or courses may also affect the magnitude of attention residue. To illustrate, as Decker (2021) proposed, when individuals feel their distinct roles or projects are compatible with each other, attention residue is likely to diminish. In contrast, when individuals feel their distinct roles or projects are incompatible with each other—and actions that benefit one role might impede another role—attention residue is likely to be more pronounced.
References
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Colicev, A., Hakkarainen, T., & Pedersen, T. (2022). Multi‐project work and project performance: Friends or foes? Strategic Management Journal.
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Decker, S. (2021). Pathways from role identification level to attention residue in multiple team membership. Junior Management Science, 6(4), 826-838.
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Duplice, J. (2017). Attention residue: An inquiry into attention carryover from one task to the next in university students. CELE Journal, (25), 215-228.
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Iyengar, S. S., & Lepper, M. (2000). When choice is demotivating: Can one desire too much of a good thing? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76, 995-1006.
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Klinger, E. (1975). Consequences of commitment to and disengagement from incentives. Psychological Review, 82, 1-25.
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LePine, M., & Yoon, S. (2021). The Impact of Cross-Domain Attention Residue and Buffing Effect of a Family Supportive Supervisor. In Academy of Management Proceedings (Vol. 2021, No. 1, p. 16236). Briarcliff Manor, NY 10510: Academy of Management.
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Leroy, S. (2009). Why is it so hard to do my work? The challenge of attention residue when switching between work tasks. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 109, 168-181.
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Leroy, S., & Glomb, T. M. (2018). Tasks interrupted: How anticipating time pressure on resumption of an interrupted task causes attention residue and low performance on interrupting tasks and how a “ready-to-resume” plan mitigates the effects. Organization Science, 29(3), 380-397.
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Leroy, S., & Schmidt, A. M. (2016). The effect of regulatory focus on attention residue and performance during interruptions. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 137, 218-235.
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Martin, L. L., & Tesser, A. (1996). Ruminative thoughts. In R. S. Wyer, Jr. (Ed.). Advances in social cognition (Vol. 9, pp. 1-47). Hillsdale, NJ, England: Lawrence Erlbaum.
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Moskowitz, G. B. (1993). Individual differences in social categorization: The influence of personal need for structure on spontaneous trait inferences. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65, 132-142.
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Newton, D. W., LePine, J. A., Kim, J. K., Wellman, N., & Bush, J. T. (2020). Taking engagement to task: The nature and functioning of task engagement across transitions. Journal of Applied Psychology, 105(1).
Techniques that improve memory
Introduction
Educators want students to understand, rather than merely rote learn, the information that is presented in class. Nevertheless, memory of this material can facilitate understanding. For example, if students can memorize and consolidate information effectively, they can shift their attention to other cognitive operations that facilitate understanding. Therefore, the capacity of students to memorize information is vital.
Some memory techniques are especially useful. To illustrate, consider students who need to memorize the names of ten famous explorers, such as Sir Walter Raleigh and Vasco de Gama. To achieve this goal, students could
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attempt to convert the name to an object they can visualize, such as Raleigh sounds like “car rally”
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construct a mental image that combines the explorer with this object—such as imagine Sir Walter Raleigh in a car rally—and apply this task to all the explorers
Now suppose the students needed to learn the chronological order in which these explorers commenced their ventures. They could then
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identify a familiar route that comprises many distinct landmarks or segments—such as a childhood home with many rooms or a shopping center with many shops
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construct a mental image that integrates the first explorer with the first room or shop
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construct a mental image that integrates the second explorer with the second room or shop, and so forth
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then, to retrieve all the explorers, students could imagine themselves, peering into each room or shop in order and recognizing the explorer inside
Although effective, students should also learn many other techniques because
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these other techniques may be more suitable to other circumstances or more helpful to particular students
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the use of many techniques can enhance motivation and curiosity as well
Researchers have indeed uncovered a range of techniques or practices that can improve memory. For example,
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after individuals attempt to guess the answer to a question, and then receive the correct answer, they are more likely to remember the correct answer later (Yan et al., 2014)
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if individuals attempt to draw a paragraph they read, they are more likely to remember and to understand the content of this paragraph later (Schmeck et al., 2014)
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if individuals read a series of words very loudly or sing these words, they are more likely to remember the items later than if they merely read the words at a normal volume or silently to themselves, called the distinctiveness hypothesis (Quinlan & Taylor, 2013)
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people are more likely to remember humorous information than other information (Schmidt, 1994)
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if individuals expect they might need to teach a topic later, they learn and memorize information about this topic more effectively (Nestojko et al., 2014).
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If individuals attempt to explain the items they need to learn—such as why these items evolved to develop particular features or why these items were bestowed a specific name—they are more likely to recall these items later (Larsen et al., 2013)
Classic techniques to improve memory: The method of loci
The technique in which individuals visualize items at specific locations along a familiar route—and then mentally return to these locations to retrieve these items—is called the method of loci, memory palace, mental walk, or memory journey. Individuals have utilized this technique, or similar approaches, over thousands of years. A meta-analysis, conducted by Twomey and Kroneisen (2021), suggests the effect size is medium or moderate. That is, relative to individuals who do not utilize this method, individuals who utilize this method can remember more items, such as words, to a moderate extent. Nevertheless, according to Twomey and Kroneisen (2021), the experimental studies that have substantiated the benefits of this approach did not report how they allocated participants to conditions explicitly—and hence some biases could have tarnished the validity of these results.
As Maguire et al. (2003) explained, the method of loci comprises a sequence of five activities. First, individuals imagine a familiar route or journey, such as a walk around their house or university. Second, individuals select memorable landmarks along this route, such as specific rooms or buildings. Third, individuals generate mental images of the items they need to remember, such as various words. Fourth, individuals imagine these mental images embedded or attached to the various landmarks. Finally, to recall these images, individuals imagine a journey along the route and observe the landmarks as they proceed. The method is effective partly because this approach activates visuospatial regions of the brain (Maguire et al., 2003) and partly because this approach entails other mental activities that enhance memory, such as chunking, elaboration, visualization.
Classic techniques to improve memory: Chunking
To memorize information, individuals can also divide items into clusters, called chunks. For example, the sequence of nine letters IBMBBCFBI is hard to memorize. But, when the sequence is divided into three chunks, each comprising three letters, such as IBM BBC FBI, these letters are easier to memorize (Norris & Kalm, 2021). This sequence is especially simple to memorize because the three chunks—IBM, BBC, and FBI—are established acronyms
Nevertheless, chunking may enhance memory even if the chunks are not established acronyms or concepts. To illustrate, suppose individuals need to memorize the words apple, monkey, chair, banana, giraffe, table, orange, rat, desk, pear, tiger, and lamp. This task is simpler if individuals recognize these 12 words can be divided into three clusters, or chunks, of four words
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apple, banana, orange, and pear
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monkey, giraffe, rat, and tiger
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chair, table, desk, and lamp
Many studies have explored accounts to explain why chunking enhances memory. Norris and Kalm (2021) present a detailed analysis of these accounts, revealing that perhaps the benefits of chunking can be ascribed to data compression.
Classic techniques to improve memory: Elaboration
Chunking might also elicit another practice, called elaboration, that also improves memory. In essence, elaboration refers to the attempts of individuals to change, extend, or associate the material they must learn with other concepts. For example, a seminal report, published by Craik and Tulving (1975), outlined 10 experiments that explored this technique. In all these studies, participants were exposed to a long series of words. Next, participants answered questions about these words. Specifically, these questions sometimes revolved around
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the phonemic attributes of words, such as “Does this word rhyme with cat?”
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the physical attributes of words, such as “Does this word commence with the letter B?”
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the semantic characteristics or meaning of these words, such as “Can you meet one in the street?”
Finally, participants were unexpectedly invited to recall the words. The results were striking: Individuals were more likely to remember words if the questions revolved around the semantic characteristics of these words. These questions prompted the individuals to connect the word with other concepts. Semantic associations improved memory even after the time that participants dedicated to each word or item was controlled.
Research has explored the brain regions that underpin the benefits of elaboration. Kapur et al. (1994), for example, conducted a study in which participants attempted to memorize a series of words. In one condition, participants needed to decide whether the word corresponds to a living or nonliving object—a question that prompts elaboration. In the other condition, participants needed to decide whether the word contains the letter a. When exposed to questions that prompt elaboration, the left inferior prefrontal cortex of these participants was highly activated. This region is closely associated with Broca's area.
Classic techniques to improve memory: The keyword method
Other techniques, such as the keyword method (see Shapiro & Waters, 2005), revolves around the benefits of visualization. Individuals often apply this method to learn the name of some concept. To illustrate
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suppose individuals need to learn the term platykurtic—a statistical term that refers to a flat distribution
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the term platykurtic sounds like platypus—called the keyword
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hence, individuals could imagine a platypus lying under this flat distribution
In essence, to apply the keyword method, students need to
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connect the term they need to learn to words they already know
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form an image of both the term they need to learn and the words they already know
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combine these two images
Alternatively, rather than create images, individuals can create sentences. For example, suppose the students need to learn that "gunnel" is a fish. First, they should form a keyword that sounds like “gunnel”, such as "gun". Second, they might create a sentence that relates the keyword to the new word, such as "He pointed the gun towards a fish" (Levin, Levin, Glasman, & Nordwall, 1992)
Classic techniques to improve memory: The peg system
The peg system, and similar techniques, are useful whenever students need to remember a sequence of terms or actions. Suppose that individuals need to remember a sequence of 10 objects, such as an oxygen atom, a carbon atom, and so forth.
To learn this sequence, students should first memorize this series of words: gun, shoe, tree, door, hive, bricks, heaven, gate, wine, and hen, called pegs. This series of words might seem hard to memorize, but actually are ten words that rhyme with one, two, three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, and ten.
Then, students should construct a mental image that integrates each item they need to learn with these pegs. They might, for example, first imagine a gun firing an oxygen atom or an O2. They might next imagine a carbon atom or C4 in a show, and so forth. Finally, to retrieve this sequence, they should attempt to imagine the gun, shoe, and so forth again, eliciting memories of the O2, C4, and so forth. Absurd images are especially likely to be remembered later (see Harris & Blaiser, 1997).
Complementary techniques to improve memory: Adaptive memory
Besides some of the classical techniques—such as the method of loci, chunking, elaboration, keyword method, and peg system—researchers have uncovered a variety of other practices that could improve memory. Some of these approaches are more effective variants of classical techniques, such as elaboration. For example, to remember various concepts or objects, individuals can also contemplate the relevance of these concepts or objects to the survival of humans in previous eras, called adaptive memory (Nairne & Pandeirada, 2008a; Nairne, Pandeirada, & Thompson, 2008). To illustrate, suppose individuals need to remember a series of nouns, such as chair, snow, and orange. They should, first, imagine they are living in a previous era, within the grasslands of a foreign land. They have been assigned the responsibility to collect enough food for their small tribe—hunting game and gathering fruits, vegetables, and nuts. Second, they should evaluate the extent to which the various nouns they need to remember may benefit this role.
Several studies have shown this technique enhances memory of these items more effectively than other elaboration techniques (Kang, McDermott, & Cohen, 2008; Nairne, Thompson, & Pandeirada, 2007; Weinstein, Bugg, & Roediger, 2008). That is, our memory systems partly evolved to facilitate our survival. Thus, reflections about survival tend to evoke specific cognitive processes that enhance memory.
To illustrate, in one study, conducted by Nairne, Pandeirada, Gregory, and Van Arsdall (2009), some participants were asked to imagine they are living in a previous era, within the grasslands of a foreign land, and assigned the responsibility to gather enough fruits, vegetables, and nuts to feed their small tribe. Next, a series of thirty tangible objects, such as chair, snow, and orange, was presented—one every 5 seconds. Their task was to evaluate the extent to which each object is relevant to this role. Finally, after a distraction task, they were, unexpectedly, instructed to recall the objects that had been presented earlier.
A second set of participants were subjected to the same process, except their responsibility was to hunt large game, to trap small animals, and to fish in a nearby lake or river. The final set of participants—a control group—were also subjected to the same process, except they did not envisage themselves in a previous era. Instead, they were instructed to imagine they were participating in a scavenger hunt. Accordingly, their role was similar, but the scenario was unrelated to their survival.
When participants envisaged themselves in a previous era, striving to survive, their recall of objects improved. That is, performance was least proficient in the control condition, in which individuals imagined themselves participating in a scavenger hunt (Nairne, Pandeirada, Gregory, & Van Arsdall, 2009).
This finding has been replicated several times (see also Kang, McDermott, & Cohen, 2008; Nairne, Thompson, & Pandeirada, 2007; Weinstein, Bugg, & Roediger, 2008). For instance, in another study, Nairne, Pandeirada, Gregory, and Van Arsdall (2009) modified the control condition marginally. In the control condition, participants imagined they were competitors of a hunting competition. Again, recall was impaired in the control condition.
Burns et al. (2014), however, uncovered an interesting variation of adaptive memory: As their research showed, individuals can memorize items better after they consider their death. In this study
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some participants were prompted to imagine they had been diagnosed as terminally ill—and then to consider how relevant a list of words would be to preparing emotionally, mentally, and physically for this death
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some participants were prompted to imagine they had been stranded in a foreign land—and then to consider how relevant a list of words would be to preparing emotionally, mentally, and physically for their survival
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other participants, in a control condition, consider how relevant a list of words would be to watching TV.
When individuals considered how the words relate to death or survival, their memory of these words improved. Contemplation about how words relate to death or survival might elicit similar cognitive operations.
Complementary techniques to improve memory: Animacy
To enhance memory, educators should encourage students to conceptualize or imagine the objects or concepts they need to learn as living beings. Individuals are more likely to remember animate objects.
To clarify, some words, classified as animate, represent living beings, such as spider, baby, minister, and trout. Other words, classified as inanimate, do not represent living beings, such as drum, hat, kite, and even doll. In general, people remember animate words better than inanimate words.
Presumably, throughout evolution, the memory of humans evolved to become more attuned to animate objects. Animate objects include potential predators, mates, and friends, all vital to survival; therefore, people tend to remember animate words more effectively than inanimate words. Hence, this tendency to remember animate objects is also consistent with adaptive memory—the notion that people remember objects that were relevant to survival.
To demonstrate, in one study, conducted by Nairne, Van Arsdall, Pandeirada, Cogdill, and LeBreton (2013), participants needed to memorize, and later recall, a list of 24 words. The words were coded along several dimensions, such as the degree to which the items are used frequently, easy to pronounce, emotional, desirable, vivid, concrete, long, and meaningful. Even after controlling these dimensions, participants were more likely to remember animate words rather than inanimate words.
Complementary techniques to improve memory: The generation effect
The generation effect is another procedure or technique that students or educators can utilize to enhance memory. The generation effect is the discovery that individuals are more likely to remember items they had previously generated themselves (e.g., Slamecka & Graf, 1978; see also Gardiner, 1988).
To illustrate, in a typical study, some participants might be presented with pairs of stimuli that are complete, such as FATHER-MOTHER. Other participants might be presented with pairs of stimuli that are incomplete, such as FATHER-M--HE-, and then need to complete these words themselves. Typically, individuals are more likely to recall items in which they needed to complete the words themselves. Educators should thus present materials in which some of the letters are missing.
Some studies indicate the generation effect is more pronounced when participants experience a positive mood. That is, if individuals experience positive rather than negative mood states, generating the stimuli is especially likely to enhance subsequent memory (Fiedler, Lachnit, Fay, & Krug, 1992).
Fiedler, Nickel, Asbeck, and Pagel (2003) formulated a framework, called the dual force approach, to explain the interactions between mood and the generation effect. This model entails two key assumptions. First, according to Fiedler, Nickel, Asbeck, and Pagel (2003), a positive mood tends to facilitate assimilation--in which individuals apply their previous knowledge and assumptions to interpret and to enrich the stimuli in their environment. A negative mood, in contrast, tends to facilitate accommodation, in which individuals maintain their attention on the details and features of the stimuli rather than apply their previous knowledge and assumptions. Thus, generation effects—or indeed any phenomena that demands assimilation to previous knowledge or assumptions—should be more pronounced when mood is positive.
Complementary techniques to improve memory: Self-reference effect
Students are more likely to remember information if this material is, somehow, related to themselves (e.g., Bower & Gilligan, 1979; Klein & Loftus, 1988; Maki & McCaul, 1985). In a typical study, a series of traits is presented, like "honest" or "confident". Some participants are asked to decide whether each trait corresponds to their personality. Other participants, in contrast, are asked to decide whether each trait corresponds to other people. As many studies show, when people consider whether these words describe their own character, memory of these traits improves, called the self-reference effect. The effect size approaches .5 in some contexts (for a meta-analysis, see Symons & Johnson, 1997).
The self-reference effect is not limited to memory of adjectives. This effect improves memory of nouns (Bellezza, 1984; Maki & McCaul, 1985) and even prose (Reeder, McCormick, & Esselman, 1987).
Because of the self-reference effect, trivial refinements to the words that instructors utilize can appreciably enhance learning. For example, as Mayer, Fennell, Farmer, and Campbell (2004) showed, when instructors relate to students on a personal level, learning improves. Specifically, when instructors utilize the term "your" instead of "the", participants learn information more effectively. To illustrate, the claim "Air moves through minute air sacs in your lungs" is more likely to enhance an understanding of the respiratory system than will the claim "Air moves through minute air sacs in the lungs". According to Mayer, Fennell, Farmer, and Campbell (2004), when the term "your" is used, participants are more likely to associate the information with personal experiences or knowledge they accumulated in the past. These associations with past experiences and knowledge enhance learning and understanding.
In most studies, participants are explicitly instructed to relate the information to themselves. However, Kesebir and Oishi (2010) showed that such effects might unfold spontaneously, without conscious or explicit prompts. To illustrate, in one study, participants were asked to remember the birth dates of their friends before specifying their own birth date. In general, participants were more likely to recall the birth dates that were closer to their own birth dates.
Complementary techniques to improve memory: Music excerpts
Stimuli that precede music are also retained more effectively. Judde and Rickard (2010) conducted a study in which 30 words were presented. All these words could be readily and vividly imagined, as gauged by Paivio, Yuille, and Madigam (1968). Participants then attempted to recall the words immediately. Either positive or negative music was then presented, either 0, 20, or 45 minutes later. During the intervening period, individuals completed various questionnaires. Finally, a week later, the extent to which individuals recognized the previous list of words was assessed.
Both positive and negative music presented 20 minutes after the words were initially presented significantly enhanced subsequent recognition. Individuals who reported elevated levels of behavioral activation, and thus seek rewards, were especially likely to benefit from this music. These findings support the proposition that arousal, after some delay, enhances retention of words.
Complementary techniques to improve memory: Hemispheric effects
Researchers have also discovered some intriguing, but unusual practices that can improve memory. For example, if individuals clench their right fist before learning and their left fist before attempting to retrieve information, their memory improves. The right fist, when clenched, purportedly activates circuits in the left hemisphere that could facilitate the capacity of individuals to translate this information to a symbol or code. The left fist, when clenched, purportedly activates circuits in the right hemisphere that activate a more diverse range of cues that could elicit the memory (Propper et al., 2013).
Similarly, after people shift their eyes from side to side, about twice a second, for half a minute, they can more readily remember items they learned earlier. Indeed, these horizontal eye movements are more likely to improve memory than are vertical eye movements (Christman et al., 2003). Horizontal eye movements, from side to side, are assumed to activate both the left hemisphere and right hemisphere repeatedly. The left hemisphere primarily represents the names of words. The right hemisphere primarily represents the images, sounds, and other details associated with words. So, when both hemispheres are activated in quick succession, the words are connected more to the details.
Lifestyles that improve memory: Music
Music performance, listening, and appreciation have all been shown to enhance memory, attention, and intelligence. Chin and Rickard (2010) showed that listening to music and appreciation of music can enhance verbal memory.
In this study, to assess memory, participants completed the California Verbal Learning Test. Specifically, a list of 16 words was presented. The words were evenly distributed across four categories—animals, furniture, transportation, and vegetables—but presented in a pseudorandom order. Participants attempted to recall these words immediately, representing a test of attention span. Next, the list was presented four more times. After each time, participants attempted to recall the words, to assess learning ability. Then, another list of 16 words was presented, distributed across four categories—animals, vegetables, musical instruments, and parts of a house. The capacity to recall these items was a measure of proactive interference. Later, cued recall and long-term recall were also assessed with these words.
Furthermore, to assess music experience and appreciation, participants answered questions on their level of training, hours of listening, and perceived skill to improvize. In addition, participants were asked to gauge the extent to which they perceive music as important and the degree to which music evokes strong emotions. Finally, these participants completed a measure of IQ.
In general, after controlling gender, socioeconomic status, and intelligence, duration of listening to music was positively associated with immediate recall, learning ability, interference recall, and both short-term and long-term cued recall. Furthermore, individuals who listened to music often tended to recall the words as clusters, demonstrating an awareness of the four categories. The extent to which music evoked emotions was also associated with some facets of verbal memory.
Conceivably, music practice enhances synaptic plasticity and networks in many regions of the brain, as individuals process stimuli on many levels. Indeed, in musicians, relative to other people, the anterior corpus callosum is thicker (e.g., Lee, Chen, & Schlaug, 2003). Furthermore, music practice might utilize and refine many other cognitive operations, such as recognition of abstract patterns, memory of sequences, selective attention, emotional expression, and discipline (e.g., Schellenberg 2005). Music listening evokes neural activity in the auditory cortex as well as frontal, temporal, and parietal areas underpinning attention and working memory.
Lifestyles that improve memory: Wakeful rest
Moments of wakeful rest, in which individuals do not perform a task that demands concentration for 10 minutes, can also improve memory. That is, after people learn information, they automatically, rather than consciously, tend to replay this information, facilitating consolidation of this memory. As MRI studies show, the neural activity that underpins this rehearsal proceeds even if people do not deliberately reflect on this material. In contrast to wakeful rest, other cognitive tasks may disrupt this automatic rehearsal process.
Dewar, Alber, Butler, Cowan, and Sala (2012) conducted a pair of studies that confirm this premise, showing that wakeful rest facilitates memory even 7 days later. In each study, participants heard a story and then immediately attempted to recall this story. Next, some participants were granted an opportunity to rest for 10 minutes. Other participants, in contrast, were asked to complete a visual task in which they needed to detect the difference between pairs of pictures. Finally, either 30 minutes or 7 days later, they were asked to recall the story; they had not been warned of this test earlier. If participants had been granted an opportunity to rest after recalling the story initially, they could more readily recall key features of the story 30 minutes or 7 days later.
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